Tasks of The Fourth International In Spain

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Version published in The New Militant

A letter to a Spanish comrade.

April 12, 1936

The situation in Spain has again become revolutionary.

The development of the Spanish revolution is taking place at a slow tempo. For this reason, the revolutionary elements have acquired a fairly long period of time in which to take shape, to rally the vanguard around themselves, in order to measure up to their task at the decisive moment. We must now say openly that the Spanish "Left Communists" have allowed this exceptionally favorable interval to slip by, and have revealed themselves to be in no way better than the Socialist and "Communist" traitors. Not that there was any lack of warning. All the greater therefore is the guilt of Andrés Nin, Juan Andrade, and the others. With a correct policy, the "Left Communists" as a section of the Fourth International might have been at the head of the Spanish proletariat today. Instead, they are vegetating in the confused organization of Maurín—without a program, without perspectives, and without any political significance. Marxist action in Spain can begin only by means of an irreconcible condemnation of the whole policy of Andrés Nin and Andrade, which was and remains not only false but also criminal.

What does the removal of President Zamora mean? It means that political developments have once more entered into an acute stage. Zamora was, so to speak, the stable pole of the ruling echelons. Under different conditions, he played the same role that Hindenburg played in Germany for a certain period of time, that is, during the time when the reaction (even the Nazis) on one side, and the Social Democracy on the other placed their hopes in him.

Modern Bonapartism is the expression of the most extreme class antagonisms in the period when these antagonisms have not yet led to open struggle. Bonapartism may find its point of support in the quasi-parliamentary government, but also for that matter in the "supraparty" president; this depends exclusively on the circumstances. Zamora was the representative of the Bonapartist equilibrium. The sharpening of the antagonism led to a state of affairs in which both of the main camps sought first to use Zamora and then to get rid of him. The right wing did not succeed in doing this in its time, but the "Popular Front" did. This means however an acute revolutionary period.

Both the profound ferment in the masses and the continual violent explosions demonstrate that the workers of town and country, as well as the poor peasants, deceived over and over again, are continually directing all their forces toward a revolutionary solution. And what role does the Popular Front play in the face of this powerful movement? The role of a gigantic brake, built and set into motion by traitors and servile scum. And only yesterday Juan Andrade signed the thoroughly despicable program of this Popular Front!

After Zamora's removal, Azaña, hand in hand with the new president of the republic, must take over the role of the stable Bonapartist pole; that is, he must try to elevate himself above the two camps in order to be better able to direct the arms of the state against those revolutionary masses who assisted him to power. The workers' organizations, however, remain completely enmeshed in the net of the Popular Front. The convulsions of the revolutionary masses (without a program, without a leadership worthy of confidence) thus threaten to throw the gates wide open to the counterrevolutionary dictatorship!

That the workers are driving ahead in a revolutionary direction is shown by the development of all their organizations, most particularly by that of the Socialist Party and the Socialist Youth. Two years ago we raised the question of the entry of the Spanish Bolshevik-Leninists into the Socialist Party. This proposal was rejected by the Andrés Nins and Andrades with the disdain of conservative philistines: they wanted "independence" at all costs, because it left them in peace and put them under no obligations. And yet, affiliation to the Socialist Party in Spain would have yielded immeasurably better results under the given circumstances than was the case, for example, in France (on the condition, of course, that in Spain the terrible mistakes committed by the leading French comrades had been averted). Meanwhile, however, Andrade and Nin united with the confusionist Maurín, in order jointly to trot along behind the Popular Front. The Socialist workers, however, in their striving for revolutionary clarity, fell victim to the Stalinist deceivers. The fusion of the two youth organizations [Socialist and Stalinist] signifies that the best revolutionary energies will be abused and dissipated by the Comintern's mercenaries. And the "great" revolutionists, Andrés Nin and Andrade, remain on the sidelines in order to carry on, together with Maurín, completely impotent propaganda for the "democratic socialist" revolution, that is, for a social democratic betrayal.

Nobody can know what form the next period in Spain will take. In any case, the upsurge that has borne the clique of the Popular Front to power is too mighty to ebb in a short period of time and to leave the battlefield free to the reaction. The truly revolutionary elements still have a certain period of time, not too long, to be sure, in which to take stock of themselves, gather their forces, and prepare for the future. This refers above all to the Spanish supporters of the Fourth International. Their tasks are as clear as day:

1. To condemn and denounce mercilessly before the masses the policy of all the leaders participating in the Popular Front.

2. To grasp in full the wretchedness of the leadership of the "Workers Party of Marxist Unification" and especially of the former "Left Communists"—Andrés Nin, Andrade, etc.—and to portray them clearly before the eyes of all the advanced workers.

3. To rally around the banner of the Fourth International on the basis of the "Open Letter."

4. To join the Socialist Party and the United Youth in order to work there as a faction in the spirit of Bolshevism.

5. To establish fractions and other nuclei in the trade unions and other mass organizations.

6. To direct their main attention to the spontaneous and semi-spontaneous mass movements, to study their general traits, that is, to study the temperature of the masses and not the temperature of the parliamentary cliques.

7. To be present in every struggle so as to give it clear expression.

8. To insist always on having the fighting masses form and constantly expand their committees of action (juntas, soviets), elected ad hoc.

9. To counterpose the program of the conquest of power, the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the social revolution to all hybrid programs (a la Caballero, or à la Maurín).

This is the real road of the proletarian revolution. There is no other.

Version published in New International

The letter reproduced below was written by Leon Trotsky to a Spanish comrade before the outbreak of the civil war in July 1936. It dealt with the tasks of the Bolshevik Leninists in Spain. Notwithstanding the date on which it was written or rather precisely because of that, the letter is exceptionally noteworthy for its analysis of the developing situation at the time and for its forecast of the fate which would inevitably overtake the policies of the Popular Front, and the working class or any section of it which adopted and practiced it. The recent catastrophe was not unforeseen! – Editor.

THE situation in Spain is once more revolutionary.

The development of the Spanish revolution is taking place at a slow rhythm. In this way the revolutionary elements have obtained a fairly long interval in which to take shape, to rally around themselves the vanguard, in order to measure up to the task at the decisive moment. At present we must say openly that the Spanish “left communists” have allowed this extremely favorable interval to pass by completely and have revealed themselves as in no way better than the socialist and “communist” traitors. Really, there has been no lack of warnings! All the greater is the culpability of an Andres Nin, of an Andrade, etc. – With a correct policy the “Communist Left”, as a section of the Fourth International, might have been at the head of the Spanish proletariat today. Instead of this, it vegetates in the confused organization of a Maurin – without program, without perspective, and without any political importance. Marxian action in Spain begins with an implacable condemnation of the whole policy of the Andres Nins and Andrades, which was and remains not only false but criminal.

What does the removal of President Zamora signify? It signifies that the political evolution is once more passing into an acute stage. Zamora was, so to speak, the stable pole of the leading summits. In different conditions, he played the same rôle that Hindenburg played in Germany during a certain period; it was at the time when the reaction (even the Nazis), on the one side, and the social democracy on the other, placed their hopes in him. The Bonapartism of modern times is the expression of the extreme exacerbation of class contradictions in the period when these contradictions have not yet lead to the open struggle. Bonapartism may find its point of support in the quasi parliamentary government or else in the President “above the parties”; that depends only upon the circumstances. Zamora was the representative of the Bonapartist equilibrium. The exacerbation of the contradictions lead to each of the two principal camps wanting first to use and then to rid itself of Zamora. The right wing not having succeeded in this in its time, it is now the “Popular Front” which does it. However, that signifies the beginning of an acute revolutionary period. The profound effervescence of the masses as well as unintermittently violent explosions prove that the workers of town and country and the poor peasants along with them, deceived over and over again, are pushing with all their strength, again and ever, towards the revolutionary solution. And what rôle does the Popular Front play in face of this powerful movement? That of a gigantic brake, built and set in motion by traitors and servile scum. And only yesterday Juan Andrade signed the thoroughly infamous program of this Popular Front!

After the removal of Zamora, it is Azaña who, hand in hand with the new President of the Republic, must be charged with the rôle of a stable Bonapartist pole, that is, try to raise himself above the two camps in order all the better to direct the weapons of the state against the revolutionary masses who lifted him into power. But the workers’ organizations remain completely caught in the nets of the Popular Front. The convulsions of the revolutionary masses (without a program, without a leadership worthy of confidence), thus threaten to throw the doors wide open to the counter revolutionary dictatorship.

That the workers are pushing forward in the revolutionary direction is proved by the development of all their organizations, but especially by that of the Socialist party and the socialist youth. Two years ago, we posed the question of the entry of the Spanish Bolshevik Leninists into the Socialist party. The Andres Nins and Andrades rejected this proposal with the disdain of conservative philistines: they wanted “independence” at all costs, because it assured them tranquillity and committed them to nothing. Yet, adherence to the Socialist party in Spain would have yielded, in the given conditions, infinitely better results than, for example, in France (on the condition, of course, of avoiding the big mistakes committed by the leading French comrades). Meanwhile, Andrade and Nm have fused with the confusionist Maurin, in order to run together at the tail of the Popular Front. The socialist workers, however, aspiring to revolutionary clarity, have become the victims of the Stalinist deceivers. The fusion of the two youth organizations (socialist and Stalinist) signifies that the mercenaries of the Communist International will abuse and destroy the best revolutionary energies. And the “great” revolutionists, Andres Nin and Andrade, stay on the sidelines to conduct with Maurin a wholly impotent propaganda for the “democratic socialist” revolution, that is, for social democratic treason.

Nobody can know what aspect the next period will take in Spain. The tide which has brought to power the clique of the Popular Front is, in any case, too powerful to ebb in a short time and to abandon the field of battle to the reaction. The genuinely revolutionary elements still have a certain interval at their disposal, not too long, to be sure, to take stock of themselves, to gather their forces and to prepare the future. This concerns, in the first place, the Spanish partisans of the Fourth International. Their tasks are as clear as day:

1.To condemn and denounce mercilessly before the masses the policy of all the leaders who take part in the Popular Front.

2.To understand fully and to bring clearly before the eyes of the advanced workers the pitiful rôle of the leadership of the “Workers Party of Marxian Unification” [POUM] and especially of the former “left communists”, Andres Nin, Andrade, etc.

3.To rally around the banner of the Fourth International, on the basis of the Open Letter.

4.To join the Socialist party and the United Youth, in order to work there as a fraction in the spirit of Bolshevism.

5.To create fractions and nuclei in the trade unions and other mass organizations.

6.To direct their main attention to the spontaneous and semi spontaneous movements, to study their general traits, that is, to concern themselves with the temperature of the masses and not that of the parliamentary cliques.

7.To be present in every struggle in order to give it clear expression.

8.To insist always on the masses forming their committees of action, elected ad hoc (juntas, soviets) and to enlarge them constantly.

9.To oppose the program of the conquest of power, of the dictatorship of the proletariat and of the social revolution to all the hybrid programs (à la Caballero or à la Maurin).

There is the only real road of the proletarian revolution. Another road does not exist.