Notebook “ζ”

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(“ZETA”)

Contents

ζ

Harms, World Economy [2–3].

Supan [5–9].

Hübner [10].

Junius [13–14].

Demorgny (Persia N.B.) [11].

{{3 Le Temps [16 and 19–20].

{{3 The Daily Telegraph and others [23–28].

{{3 Lloyd George on £4,000 million (May 4, 1915) [29–30].

Brauer on German (possible “defeatists”) [17–18].

HARMS, WORLD ECONOMY[edit source]

Bernhard Harms, Problems of World Economy, Jena, 1912. “National Economy and World Economy.”

British capital invested abroad (1911) according to G. Paish ((George Paish in the Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, Vol. LXXIV, 1910–11, p. 167)) (“Great Britain’s Capital Investments in the Colonies, etc.”).

(B. Harms, p. 228):

I. British coloniesthousands)
North AmericaCanada and Newfoundland372,541
AustraliaCommonwealth of Australia301,521
New Zealand78,529
AfricaSouth351,368
West29,498
AsiaIndia and Ceylon365,399
Straits Settlements22,037
Hong Kong3,104
British North Borneo5,131
Other British possessions25,024
Σ =British colonies1,554,152
II. Foreign countries:
United States688,078
[BOX:] [[ Cuba
22,700 ]]
Philippines8,202
[BOX:] [[ Argentina269,808
Mexico87,334
Brazil94,330
Chile46,375
Uruguay35,255
Peru31,986
Other American countries22,517 ]]
Russia38,388
Turkey18,320
Egypt43,753
Spain18,808
Italy11,513
Portugal8,134
France7,071
Germany6,061
Other European countries36,319
Japan53,705
China26,809
Other foreign countries61,907
Σ = foreign countries1,637,684[1]
ΣΣ = Total3,191,836
(In all, he says, £ 3 1/2 thousand million)
Same, by continents (£ million)
Per cent
America1,700=53
Asia50016
Africa45514
Australia38712
Europe1505
3,192100%

WI,

Dr. Sigmund Schilder, Development Trends in the World Economy, Berlin, 1912—p. 150—refers to G. Paish, whose figures, he says, are minimised, for Paish takes issue prices (for Latin America 556 = £ 556 million, whereas London Stock Exchange quotations on May 31, 1909 Σ = £767 million, including Argentina—£281 million, Brazil—£140 million).—

The London Economist, August 26, 1911, estimates British capital in 10 South American republics (Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Chile, Peru, Bolivia, Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador and Paraguay) at £ 622 million, including Argentina—316, Brazil—162, Uruguay—42, Chile—41 (ibidem, p. 371).

Foreign capital in Canada (1910) = 12,687 million francs, including British—9,765, U.S.—2,190, French—372. In Mexico (1886–1907) =3,343 million francs, including U.S.—1,771, British—1,334 (p. 373).

Belgian capital abroad (Berlin Export, November 24, 1910) in million francs: Holland—70; France—137; Brazil—143; Italy—166; Egypt—219; Germany—244; Argentina—290; the Congo—322; Spain—337; Russia—441; other countries—338. Total—2,750 million francs (p. 365).

French capital abroad (ibidem, p. 235)
Thousand

mill. francs

Russia10.0
Great Britain0.5
Belgium and Holland0.5
Germany0.5
Turkey, Serbia and Bulgaria0.5
Rumania and Greece4.0
Austria-Hungary2.0
Italy1.5
Switzerland0.5
Spain and Portugal3.5
Canada and United States1.0
Egypt and Suez4.0
Argentina, Brazil and Mexico3.0
China and Japan1.0
Tunisia and French colonies3.0
__ __
Σ—35.5[2]

Total now estimated at 40,000–42,000 million.

German capital abroad (1904) exclusive of securities

(non-European areas) (million marks)

Turkey (without Egypt)350
Africa (including Egypt)1,350
Persian-Arabian Peninsula and India75
South-East Asia250
East Asia450
Australia and Polynesia400
Caribbean countries1,200
West coast of South America550
East ” ” ” ”1,600
United States and Canada3,000
__ __
Σ = 9,225
German capital abroad (securities) (1897–1906)
also

million marks

Argentina92.1
Belgium2.4
Bosnia85.0
Brazil77.6
Bulgaria114.3
Chile75.8
Denmark595.4
China356.6
Finland46.1
Great Britain7.6
Italy141.9
Japan1,290.4
Canada152.9
Cuba147.0
Luxemburg32.0
Mexico1,039.0
Netherlands81.9
Norway60.3
Austria4,021.6
Portugal700.7
Rumania948.9
Russia3,453.9
Serbia152.0
Sweden355.3
Switzerland437.6
Spain11.2
Turkey978.1
Hungary1,506.3
United States of America4,945.8
__ __
(My total)Σ = 21,909.7

Author estimates total German capital abroad at 35,000 million marks (p. 243).

{{The (1904) figure=9,225 plus, he reckons, the same}}
amount in EuropeΣ = 18,000
Further, securities totalling about17,000
Σ = 35,000[3]
America6,530.2
Asia (Turkey)2,625.1
Africa
Australia
Europe12,754.4
Σ = 21,909.7

N.B. || On the question of German capital investments abroad, B. Harms quotes (besides Sartorius): Riesser, German Big Banks and Their Concentration, 3rd edition, Jena, 1910.—Paul Dehn, New Developments in World Economy, Berlin, 1904.—Paul Arndt, “The Nature and Purpose of Capital Investment Abroad”, Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft, 1912, (No. 1–3).— N.B. ||| Robert Liefmann, Holding and Financing Companies, Jena, 1909.—

German capital abroad:
Exclusive of securities

(1904)

||Securities

(1897–1906)

Africa1,350||—(?)
(α)Asia (including Turkey)1,1252,625.1
Australia and Polynesia400—(?)
(β)Central and South America3,3501,431.5
(γ)U.S.A. and Canada3,0005,098.7
Σ =9,225
(α+β+γ)=(7,475)(9,155.3)

Foreign capital of the three richest European countries, approximately[4] :

(thousand million marks)
Great BritainFranceGermanyΣ
America37410|51
Asia11} 291} 84} 716} 44
Africa107219
Australia819
Europe4231845
Total703535140
Germany __ __ __

|

Approx.

Great Britain

thousand mill. marks
Total approx.Great

Britain

__ __ __
France

__ __ __

(thousandmill. marks)approx.approx.
37America6.510374
11Asia2.64111
4Europe12.818423
10Africa2107
8Australia18
7021.9357035
Western Europe (Belgium,

Switzerland, Scandinavian

countries)
21 (??)2
South Europe (Spain, Italy,

Portugal)

115
Balkans20.5 (??)4
Russia5110
Austria80.5 (??)2
All Europe18423
Balkans + Russia + Austria152 (??)16
World railways (Harms, p. 138)

(ibidem):

1868106,886 km.
1870211,000
1875294,000
1899617,285
19091,006,748
(km.)
18991909
Europe223,869329,691
America313,417513,824
Asia33,72499,436
Africa9,38633,481
Australia18,88930,316
(my) Σ=599,2851,006,748
World telegraph lines (km.) (Harms, p. 141):
18981908
Great Britain208,747253,898
North America50,54592,818
France26,15743,115
Germany6,18630,167
Denmark13,88817,111
Netherlands1,7865,721
Japan2,7978,084
Spain3,2373,565
Italy1,9681,989
Miscellaneous countries3,2337,724
Foreign trade (special trade) of Germany

(p. 198)

(million marks)
18891910Increase
ImportExportImportExportImportExport
1. Europe3,239.92,509.75,196.85,623.9+60%+124%
2. Africa39.622.1418.0181.3
3. Asia128.284.3828.3332.3
4. America635.4613.62,190.71,255.0
5. Australasia35.123.5293.071.8
2–5.Σ =838.3743.53,730.01,840.4+345%+147%
ΣΣ =7,343.5 (1889)
(p. 203) Special trade (including noble metals) of the most important countries
1870188219011910
million

marks

(marks)

per head

million

marks

(marks)

per head

million

marks

(marks)

per head

million

marks

(marks)

per head

Great Britain

(+Ireland)

9,180
312
12,658
355
14,977.0
360

171.9

20,507.1
453
France4,5401247,3261956,705.810,212.5260
Germany4,2401066,4091419,852.6172.216,408.8257
Russia2,000272,140302,926.826.15,047.540
Austria-Hungary1,660473,015753,007.365.74,450.488
Italy1,480612,000702,474.476.14,170.4123
Spain 2}}82042840 }}2531,386.8741,566.280
Portugal 2 }}280 }}2390.971.0434.177
Holland1,4203882,5206026,391.01,2299,446.71,657
Belgium1,2802523,3804213,239.44766,137.9841
Sweden-Norway8401151,0801311,407.7190.21,891.5242
United States

of America

3,420986,1501209,526.5122.513,578.7150


SUPAN, TERRITORIAL DEVELOPMENT OF EUROPEAN COLONIES AND HÜBNER’S GEOGRAPHICAL-STATISTICAL TABLES[edit source]

Professor Dr. Alexander Supan, Territorial Development of European Colonies, 1906 (pp. 256 and 257)[5]

Table 1. Colonial Possessions in 1876 and 1900 (by continents)[6]
From Otto Hüb-ner’s StatisticalTables (1914)
18761900Increase (+) and

Decrease (–)

sq. km.

(000)

popu-

lation

(000)
sq. km.

(000)

popu-

lation

(000)
sq. km.

(000)

popu-

lation

(000)
sq. km.

(000)

popu-

lation

(000)
Asia22,772.9291,49525,012.7390,636+2,239.8+99,14125,297.1422,658
Great Britain3,765.4241,8355,224.4301,495+1,459.0+59,6605,265.3324,773
Netherlands1,520.624,1701,520.637,494+13,3241,520.637,717
France160.02,683664.218,073+504.2+15,390803.517,272
Spain296.36,000296.36,000
Portugal19.984919.98103922.8980
German Empire0.584+0.5+840.5192
Russia17,010.715,95817,286.825,045+276.1+9,08717,388.133,164
United States (evidently

Philippines)

296.37,635+296.3+7,635296.38,460
Africa3,218.711,42626,950.9123,349+23,732.2+111,92428,583.8126.614
Great Britain706.92,3319,201.253,097[7]+8,494.3[7]+50.7669,675.752,069
Belgium, the Congo2,382.819,000+2,382.8+19,0002,365.015,003
France700.02,87510,211.231,518+9,511.2+28,6439,660.337,750
Spain9.8319220.3673+210.5+354560.5589
Portugal1,802.05,9002,073.26,865+271.2+9652,069.98,351
Italy510.0731+510.0+7311,590.11,403
German Empire2,352.211,465+2,352.2+11,4652,662.311,449
Australia7,699.41,9707,699.43,983+2,013(7,699.4)(3,983)
Great Britain7,699.41,9707,699.43,983+2,013
Polynesia711.99341,238.92,440+527.0+1,5067,760
Great Britain291.9564558.71,496+266.8+9328,261.36,588
Netherlands394.1240394.8240+0.7394.8240
France23.39324.288+0.9522.680
Spain2.6372.637
German Empire243.8449+243.8+449245.1641
United States[8]17.4167+17.4+16717.4211
America10,599.87,74010,502.69,14897.2+1,4089,184.110,731
Great Britain8,711.45,1608,728.27,533+16.8+2,3738,962.310,114
Netherlands130.2110130.2140+30130.2140
France82.034682.0428+8291.2450
Spain123.32,025123.32,025
Denmark0.4380.43170.427
Sweden0.0210.021
United States[8]1,552.5601,561.81,016+9.3+956
Arctic1,492.1821,492.191+915
Great Britain[9]1,301.111,301.111,374.02
Denmark[10]191.081191.090+988.113
Antarctic3.5+3.5
France[11]3.5+3.5
____
Total46,494.8313,64672,900.1529,647+26,405.3+216,001
__

Table 2. Colonial Possessions, 1876 and 1900 (by owning countries)[12]

(From Hübner’s tables) 1914
18761900Increase (+) and

Decrease (–)

sq. km.

(000)

popu-

lation

(000)
sq. km.

(000)

popu-

lation

(000)
sq. km.

(000)

popu-

lation

(000)
sq. km.

(000)

popu-

lation

(000)
Great Britain22,476.1251,86132,713.0367,605+10,236.9+115,74433,538.6393,546
Asia3,765.4241,8355,224.4301,495+1,459.0+59,6605,265.3324,773
Africa706.92,3319,201.253,097+8494.3+50,7669,675.752,069
Australia7,699.41,9707,699.4}} 8,258.13,983+2,013}} 8,261.36,588
Polynesia291.9564558.71,496+266.8+932
America8,711.45,1608,728.27,533+16.8+2,3738,962.310,114
Arctic1,301.111,301.111,374.02
Netherlands2,044.924,5202,045.637,874+0.7+13,3542,045.638,097
Asia1,520.624,1701,520.637,494+13,3241,520.637,717
Polynesia394.1240394.8240+0.7394.8240
America130.2110130.2140+30130.2140
Belgium—The Congo2,382.819,000+2,382.8+19,0002,365.015,003
Africa2,382.819,000+2.382.8+19,0002,365.015,003
France965.35,99710,985.150,107+10,019 8+44,11010,58155,552
Asia160.02,683664.218,073+504.2+15,390803.517,272
Africa700.02,87510,211.231,518+9,511.2+28,6439,660.337,750
Polynesia23.39324.288+0.9–522.680
America82.034682.0428+8291.2450
Antarctic3.5+3.5(3.5)
Spain432.08,381220.3673211.77,708560.5589
Asia296.36,000–296.3–6,000
Africa9.8319220.3673+210.5+354560.5589
Polynesia2.637–2.6–37
America123.32,025–123.3–2,025
Portugal1,821.96,7492,093.17,675+271.29262,092.79,331
Asia19.984919.98103922.8980
Africa1,802.05,9002,073.26,865+271.29652,069.98,351
Italy510.0731+510.0+7311,590.11,403
Africa510.0731+510.0+7311,590.11,403
German Empire2,596.511,998+2,596.5+11,9982,907.912,282
Asia0.584+0.5+840.5192
Africa2,352.211,465+2,352.2+11,4652,662.311,449
Polynesia243.8449+243.8+449245.1641
Denmark191.4119191.4121+288.540
America0.4380.431–70.427
Arctic191.081191.090+988.113
Sweden0.0210.02–10.02
America0.021–0.02–1(0.02)
Russia17,010.715,95817,286.825,045+276.1+9,08717,388.133,164
Asia17,010.715,95817,286.825,045+276.1+9,08717,388.133,164
United States1,552.5601,875.58,818+323.0+8.758(1,875.5)(9,687)
Asia296.37,635+296.3+7,635296.38,460
Polynesia17.4167+17.416717.4211
America1,552.5601,561.81,016+9.3+956(1,561.8)(1,016)
Total46,494.8313,64672,900.1529,647+26.405.34+216,00174,963.5568,694

. Supan, p. 254 “Percentage of territory belonging to the European colonial powers (including the United States)[13]

18761900Increase or

Decrease

in Africa . . . . . . . . . .10.890.4+79.6
” Polynesia . . . . . . . . . .56.898.9+42.1
” Asia . . . . . . . . . .51.556.6+5.1
” Australia . . . . . . . . . .100.0100.0
” America 1) . . . . . . . . . .27.527.2–0.3
1) “Alaska is regarded here as a colony of the U.S.A.”

“The characteristic feature of this period is, therefore, the partition of Africa and Polynesia”... (p. 254). The plunder of the natives by the European countries is especially clearly revealed in the account of the division of Farther India (Siam with British “Burma” or Burmania from the West, and French Indo-China from the East)—in Supan, p. 299 et seq. The result (in rounded area figures) (000 sq. km.):

18761900
British Malacca . . . . .3292+60
British Burma . . . . . .228696+468
French possessions . . . .160663+503
Independent area . . . . .1,665634–1,031
Farther India, in the polit-

ical sense . . . . . . .

2,0852,085

“It should also be borne in mind that Siam is d only 239,000 sq. km.”....

((Hübner (1914) shows Siam as having 600,000 sq. km.!! Not yet completely plundered!!))

Supan states: “There should be no doubt that this process [the division of Farther India] is not yet completed.”

Summarising the results of colonisation, Supan says that it has been carried out mainly in the last fifty years (1850–1900)—p. 306 et seq.—He distinguishes three types of colonies: 1) native (no whites or almost none. British India belongs in this category); 2) mixed (whites in a minority; a mixture); 3) migrational colonies (marked preponderance of whites).

He gives detailed figures for America (38,331,200 sq. km.; 144.2 million inhabitants, including 88.3 million whites); Africa (26,950,900 sq. km.; 123.3 million inhabitants); Asia (24,506,200 sq. km.; 390.6 million inhabitants); South Seas colonies (8,938,300 sq. km.; 6.4 million inhabitants). Supan sums up as follows (p. 313)

What is imperialism?
“Great” PowersColoniesMetropolisTotal
1876191419141914
(million)
sq. km.popu-

la-

tion
sq. km.popu-

la-

tion
sq. km.popu-

la-

tion
sq. km.popu-

la-

tion
Great Britain22.5251.933.5393.50.346.533.8440.0
Russia17.015.917.433.25.4136.222.8169.4
France0.96.010.655.50.539.611.195.1
Germany2.912.30.564.93.477.2
Japan0.319.20.453.00.772.2
U.S.A.0.39.79.497.09.7106.7
Total for six

“Great”

Powers
40.4273.865.0523.416.5437.281.5960.6
Three countries, whose partition has been particularly vigorous
(Turkey, China, Persia) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .14.5361.2
The whole globe (without Polar regions) . . . . . . .1331,657
[BOX:] [[ All colonies:46.5313.674.9568.7 ]]
Colonies notbelonging
to theGreat Powers9.945.3
[BOX:] [[ N.B. Russia 169 X 0.57 = 96.33 N.B.

96 million oppressed or without equal rights ]]

sq. km.population
(million)
All Europe . . . . . . . . . .9.97452.4
Great Britain + France + Russia +

Germany . . . . . . . . . .

6.70287.2
Other countries . . . . . . . . . .3.27165.2
All America . . . . . . . . . .39.98189.5
United States . . . . . . . . . .
9.4097.0
All colonies . . . . . . . . . .
9.2010.7
————
Other countries . . . . . . . . . .21.3881.8
All Asia . . . . . . . . . .44.45871.2
All colonies . . . . . . . . . .
25.3422.5
19.1448.7
Three semi-colonies (Turkey + China

+ Persia) . . . . . . . . . .


14.5361.2
remainder =4.687.5
All Africa . . . . . . . . . .29.9136.2
All colonies . . . . . . . . . .
28.6126.6
remainder =1.39.6
All Australia . . . . . . . . . .8.97.8
All colonies =

(+ Polynesia?) . . . . . . . . . .

7.73.4(?)
population (million)
6 Great Powers437.2
All colonies568.7}}929.9
3 “booty”

countries

361.2
1,367.1
[BOX:] [[300privileged
150oppressed
1,000

——

{colonies and booty}
1,450
150
small states and

candidates

1,600]]
[BOX:]

[[

Approximately:
population (millions)
300—“Great Powers” and privileged oppressors and plunderers
300—dependent, unequal, plundered and small peoples
4,000—colonies and “booty”
1,600]]
ChinaNationality of foreigners in the Treaty Ports
1912
FirmsIndividuals
Japanese73375,210
Russian32345,908
British5928,690
American1333,869
French1073,133
German2762,817
Portuguese442,785
Italian40537
Austrian17328
Danish11279
Norwegian8250
Belgian15245
Spanish6224
Swedish2189
Dutch13157
Hungarian327
Brazilian19
Others497
Total2,328144,754

1 )

Colonies (million)
MetropolisColoniesTotal||18761914
sq. km.popu-

lation

sq. km.popu-

lation

sq. km.popu-

lation

||sq. km.popu-

lation

sq. km.popu-

lation

(mill.)(mill.)(mill.)
(α)Russia (Europe+Asia)5.4136.216.933.222.3169.4||17.015.917.433.2
(β)Great Britain0.346.530.0378.530.3425.022.5251.933.5393.5
(γ)France0.539.610.655.511.195.10.96.010.655.5
Σ=6.2222.357.5467.263.7689.5
Belgium0.037.52.415.02.422.5
Serbia0.094.50.14.5
(δ)Germany0.564.92.912.33.477.22.912.3
Austria-Hungary0.751.40.751.4
Turkey1.821.61.821.6
3.0137.92.912.35.9150.2
(ε)Japan0.453.00.319.20.772.20.319.2
China11.1329.611.1329.6
(ζ)U.S.A.9.497.00.39.79.7106.70.39.7
6 “Great” Powers (α–ζ)16.5437.261.0508.477.5945.6||40.4273.865.0523.4
[14])Belgium 29,452 sq. km. and 7.5 mill. population+2,400,000 sq. km. of

colonies with 15 mill. population. Σ = 2.4 mill. sq. km. and 22.5 mill.

population.
{{{{Turkey

China

1.821.6}}
11.1329.6
Σ=12.9351.2
Persia=1.610.0
Σ=14.5361.2
Serbia 87,303 sq. km. and 4.5 mill. population.

Σ = 0.1 mill. sq. km. and 4.5 mill. population.

Balkan states before and after 1912–13
Total area (sq. km.)Population (000)
Previous

territory

Newly

acquired

Present

territory

Previous

territory

Newly

acquired

Present

territory

Rumania131,3538,340139,6937,2483547,602
Bulgaria96,34517,660114,0054,3374294,766
Serbia48,30339,00087,3032,9121,5334,445
Montenegro9,0805,10014,180285150435
Albania28,00028,000800800
Greece64,65751,318}} 115,9752,6321,624}} 4,256
Crete8,618}} –149,755344}} –4,583
Turkey169,31728,1806,1301,891
Balkan countries527,673–337527,33623,88830724,195

The difference is due to inaccurate measurement, Albania, in particular, being shown smaller than she is.

The whole worldPopulationSpecial trade

(1912)

mill.

sq. km.

mill.%per.

sq. km.

ImportsExports
(mill. marks)
Asia44.45871.252.619.69,27810,162
Europe9.97452.427.345.456,65544,224
Africa29.89136.28.24.53,1493,584
America39.98189.511.44.715,73818,286
Australia8.967.80.50.92,1992,269
Polar Countries12.670.010.0
Total145.921,657.1100.011.487,01978,525
Otto Hübner’s Geographical-Statistical Tables1914 edition (63rd year)[15]
Railways(km.)
Great Britain
(1912)Egypt4,241
(1912)Egyptian Sudan1,725
(1912)Malta13
(1911–12)Cyprus98
(1911–12)India55,875 >}}
(1911)Ceylon971
(1911)Straits Settlements34
— —16
(1912)Malay Protectorate1,180
(1912)Hong Kong15
(1912)North Borneo211 >
(1912)Union of South Africa12,626 >}}
(1910)Basutoland26
(1912)Rhodesia3,872
(1912)Nyasaland182
(1912)East Africa943
(1912)Zanzibar10
(1912)Nigeria1,467
(1912)Sierra Leone365
(1912)Gold Coast270
(1912)Mauritius207 >
(1912)Newfoundland1,238 >}}
(1912)Canada47,150
(1912)Jamaica313
(1912)Windward Isles45
(1912)Trinidad135
(1912)Honduras40
(1912)Guiana152 >
(1912–13)Commonwealth of Australia30,141 >}}
(1912–13)New Zealand4,588 >
168,149
France
(1919)Algeria3,491 >}}
(1912)Tunisia1,656
(1913)West Africa2,400
(1913)Somali Coast130
(1913)Madagascar368
(1913)Réunion126 >
(1913)India30 >}}
(1912)Indo-China1,374
(1908)Martinique224
(1913)Guiana16
(1913)New Caledonia17 >
9,832
(1912)Belgian Congo1,235
Italy
(1912)Libya87
(1912)Eritrea120
207
German Empire
(1913)East Africa1,602
(1913)Cameroon443
(1913)Togoland327
(1913)South-West Africa2,104
4,476
Netherlands
(1912)East Indies2,355
[MISSING]2,683
Other possessions337
5,375
Russia
(1913)Caucasus }}317,036
Central Asia }}3
Siberia }}3
(1911)Turkeyof which in6,660
1. Europe1,994 >}}
2. Asia Minor2,372
3. Syria and Arabia2,294 >
(1909)Persia54
in use12
[MIA EDITOR’S NOTE:

Table ends here, even though totals are absent after "in use 12".]

Total area

(sq. km.)

Population
Turkey,constitutional state since

1909

1,794,98021,600,000(1910)
Turkey in Europe28,1801,891,090(1910)
Asia Minor501,40010,940,765(1910)
Armenia and Kurdistan186,5002,357,436(1900)
Syria and Mesopotamia637,8005,361,203(1940)
Arabia441,1001,050,000(1910)
China,republic since

March 1912

11,138,900329,617,760
China proper6,242,300325,817,760(1910)
Mongolia2,787,6001,800,000
Tibet2,109,0002,000,000
Japan,constitutional empire673,68172,200,475
Japan proper382,41552,985,423(1912)
Formosa35,9973,512,607(1913)
Karafuto (Japanese Sakhalin)34,06942,612(1913)
Kwantung3,374501,767(1913)
Korea217,82615,164,066(1913)
N.B. Inthousand sq. km. (total area)
PERSIA is about 1,645 (total population of Persia
in 1907: 9 1/2 million)
Under 1907 agreement:
British sphere of influence is about355
Russian ” ” ” ” ”790

Mutual Accusations[edit source]

La Revue de Paris, March 1, 1915 (No. 5, 1915)

article by G. DemorgnyTurkish-German Methods in Persia” (with a map of the Russian and British spheres of influence in Persia).

||| N.B An imperialist laments German successes. (Characteristic for a description of imperialism.)

Incidentally (p. 217): || N.B. “On December 24 (1914) a bomb intended to wipe out the Russian, French, Belgian and British ministers exploded in Teheran, but the attempt failed N.B. || and the bomb killed one of the participants in the plot organised by a German-Turkish gang”....

N.B. || Author quotes his articles in the magazine Revue du monde musulman, 1913, Nos. 22 and 23 (March and June 1913) and his books: Problems of the Danube, Paris, 1911 (Larose et Tenin); The Administration of Persia, Paris, 1913 (Leroux), and Persian Financial Institutions, Paris, 1915 (Leroux).

The Sitchkan-il year (March 21, 1912–March 20, 1913).

  • 1. Russian trade with Persia = 628,857,900 krans (1 kran = 0.4545 franc).
  • Persian exports to Russia = 69 per cent of total Persian exports.
  • Persian imports from Russia 58 per cent of total Persian imports (p. 205).
  • 2. Persian imports from Britain = 25 per cent of total Persian Imports. Persian exports to Britain 13 per cent of total Persian exports.
  • 3. Turkey.
  • 4. German trade with Persia = 24,316,252 krans.
  • 5. France.
  • 6. Italy.
  • ((Countries listed in the order of their trade with Persia: 1--6))

Preussische Jahrbücher, 1915, No. 3 (March), article by Hans Delbrück (p. 485):

N.B. || “On behalf of his Government, the British Minister in Norway, Findley, tried to hire an assassin in order to do away with the Irishman Sir Roger Casement”. (From Delbrück’s counter-charges against Great Britain.)

“ENGINEERING WAR”[edit source]

The Daily Telegraph, March 15, 1915. “Engineering War.” “Oil in Warfare. The All-Oil Battleship.”

“The Chancellor of the Exchequer was right when he said: ‘This is an engineers’ war.’ We are seeing the impress of the engineer on every phase of the stupendous struggle now in progress throughout the world. No longer is engineering a side-line. It has become the principal feature of war, so much so ‘that Eye-Witness’ has seen fit to call the present ‘the petrol war’ in the course of his recent description of the part played by mechanical traction on the Continent. To call it ‘the oil war’ would probably be more accurate since this term would also include the Fleet, so far as many of its greatest and smallest craft—as represented by super-dreadnoughts and submarines—are concerned.”

The Queen Elizabeth is one of the first “all-oil” vessels. Less cost. The chief thing is the speed in fuelling, etc., etc. A gigantic technical advance

The transition to “internal-combustion-engined war ships” is imminent. Commercial ships are already making the transition.

JUNIUS, THE CRISIS OF SOCIAL-DEMOCRACY[16][edit source]

Junius, The Crisis of Social-Democracy. Supplement: “Theses on the Tasks of International Social-Democracy.” Zurich, 1916, 109pp. (105–09,theses).

“Introduction” dated January 2, 1916: the pamphlet is stated to have been written in April 1915.

p. 6: “The capitulation of international Social-Democracy ... the most stupid thing would be to conceal it”....

p. 24: “Two lines of development ... lead ... to this war.” 1) 1870, N.B., the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine, and 2) imperialist development in the last 25 years.

|| N.B. p. 28: Bülow’s speech on December 11, 1899. A clear imperialist programme: the British have “Greater Britain”, the French their “New France”, the Russians—Asia, the Germans “Greater Germany”.

pp. 31–33: excellent account of the plunder of Turkish peasants in Asia Minor by German finance capital.

p. 42: ...“The existence of only two countries—Belgium and Serbia—is at stake in the present war”.

p. 43: In Russia, imperialism is “not” so much “economic expansion” as “the political interest of the state”.

p. 48: The break-up of Austria was accelerated “by the emergence of independent national states in the immediate neighbourhood of the monarchy”....

...“The internal un-viability of Austria was shown”....

...“The Hapsburg monarchy is not the political organisation of a bourgeois state, but only the loose syndicate of cliques of social parasites” (49).... || ...“An inevitable dilemma: either the Hapsburg monarchy or the capitalist development of the Balkan countries” (49).... ||

N.B. ||| ...“Historically, the liquidation of Austria-Hungary is but the continuation of the disintegration of Turkey, but at the same time it is a requirement of the historical process of development” (49–50).

“German imperialism, chained to two decomposing corpses, steered straight into the world war” (50).

...“For ... an alleged attempt (at high treason)... Duala Manga Bell of the Cameroons was hanged quietly, amidst the noise of war, without the troublesome procedure of a court trial.... The Reichstag group shrouded the body of Chief Duala in a discreet silence” (56).

p. 60: two causes of the 1905 defeat:

? ||| (1) its “huge” political programme; “some (of the problems), such as the agrarian question, are altogether insoluble within the framework of the present social order”....

(2) the aid of European reaction.... || 71: “The dangers to the ‘free development of Germany’ do not lie in Russia, as the Reichstag group thought, but in Germany herself”... (and, incidentally, the expression: “the Zabern policy”, p. 71).

74: “Does not the socialist principle of the right of nations to self-determination imply that every people is entitled and bound to defend its freedom and independence?”... (75) “certainly, a people that surrenders to an external enemy is contemptible”....

75: A quotation from The Civil War in France: “The highest heroic effort of which old society is still capable is national war; and this is now proved to be a mere governmental humbug”....[17]

76: “In bourgeois society, therefore, invasion and class struggle are not opposites, as the official legend has it, but one is the means and expression of the other. And if for the ruling classes invasion represents a well-tried means against the class struggle, for the ascending classes the sharpest class struggle still proves to be the best means against invasion”.... The history of the Italian towns in the Middle Ages, and especially 1793. ||| 77: The same applies to self-determination: “True, socialism recognises the right of every nation to independence and freedom, to independent mastery of its destinies. But it is a real mockery of socialism when the modern capitalist states are presented as the | expression of this right of the nations to self-determination. In which of these states has the nation yet determined the forms and conditions of its (sic!) || national, political or social existence?” By “self-determination of the German people”, Marx, Engels, Lassalle under stood “the united, great German republic”. [Modern Germany has been built (N.B.) (77) “on the ruins of the German people’s right to national (N.B.) self-determination (N.B.)”....]

77 ...“or is it, perhaps, the Third Republic with colonial possessions in four continents, and colonial atrocities in two of them, that is an expression of the ‘self-determination’ of the French nation?”...

78: “In the socialist sense of this concept, there is not a single free nation, if its existence as a state rests on the enslavement of other peoples, || N.B. for the colonial peoples, too, are reckoned as peoples and as members of the state. International socialism recognises the right of free, independent and equal nations, but it is only socialism that can create such nations, and only it can realise the right of nations to self-determination. And this socialist slogan serves like all the other socialist slogans not to justify the existing order of things, but to indicate the way forward, and to stimulate the proletariat in its active, revolutionary policy of transformation”....

? ||| In the imperialist situation of today there cannot be any more “national wars of defence” (78)... to ignore this situation means “to build on sand”.

Hence “the question of defence and attack, the question of who is to ‘blame’, is quite meaningless” (78); for both France and Great Britain it is not a matter of “self-defence”, they are defending “not their national, but their world political position”....

[TOP-RIGHT{DOUBLE}-BOTTOM BOX ENDS:] [[ N.B.: ...“in order to dispel the phantom of ‘national war’ which dominates Social—Democratic policy at present” (81). ]]

Imperialist policy is an international phenomenon, the result of “the world-wide development of capital” (79).... “It is only from this starting-point that the question of ’national defence’ in the present war can be correctly posed” (80).... The system of alliances, military interests, etc., immediately involve imperialist interests and countries.... “Finally, the very fact that today all capitalist states have colonial possessions which in time of war, even if it begins as a ‘national war of defence’, are in any case drawn into the war from military-strategic considerations” ... the “holy war” in Turkey, the instigation of uprisings in the colonies...—“this fact, too, today automatically converts every war into an imperialist world conflagration” (82)....

The example of Serbia (behind which stands Russia), Holland (her colonies and so forth).... “In this way, it is always the historical situation created by present-day imperialism that determines the character of the war for the different countries, and it is because of this situation that nowadays national wars of defence are in general no longer possible” (84)....

He quotes K. Kautsky: Patriotism and Social-Democracy, 1907, p. 16 in particular, that “under these conditions a war for the defence of national freedom can no longer be expected anywhere” (Kautsky, quoted by Junius, p. 85). (K. Kautsky, pp. 12–14 on “national problems”, that they can be solved “only (N.B.) after (N.B.) the victory of the proletariat”.) [K. Kautsky, p. 23. N.B.]

What then is the task of Social-Democracy? Not to be “passive”. |||| ? “Instead of hypocritically dressing the imperialist war in the cloak of national defence, we should take seriously [author’s italics] the right of nations to self-determination and national defence and use them as a revolutionary lever against [author’s italics] the imperialist war (85). The most elementary requirement of national defence is that the nation should take defence into its own hands. The first step in that direction is a militia, i.e., not merely immediate arming of the entire adult male population, but above all the decision by the people of the question of war and peace; ||| ??? N.B. it implies also immediate abolition of all political disfranchisement, since the people’s defence must be based on the greatest political freedom. And it was the prime duty of Social-Democracy to proclaim these genuine national defence measures, and strive for their realisation” (86). But the Social-Democrats abandoned the demand for a militia until after the war!!! although we have said that “only a militia” is capable of defending the fatherland!!!

“Our teachers had a different conception of defence of the fatherland”... (Marx in The Civil War, in support of the national war of the Commune)... and ... Frederick Engels in 1892, in support of a repetition of 1793.... |||| N.B. || But alongside this: “When Engels wrote that, he had in mind a situation quite different from the present one” (87)—prior to the Russian revolution. “He [Engels] had in mind a genuine national war of defence by a suddenly attacked Germany” (87).... ||| ?? And further: “Yes, it is the duty of the Social-Democrats to defend their country during a great historical crisis. And precisely therein lies the grave guilt” of the Social-Democratic Reichstag group.... ||| ?? “They did leave the fatherland unprotected in the hour of its greatest peril. For their first duty to the fatherland in that hour was to show the fatherland what was really behind the present imperialist war; N.B. |||| to sweep away the web of patriotic and diplomatic lies covering up this encroachment on the fatherland; to proclaim loudly and clearly that for the German people both victory and defeat in the present war are equally fatal...; to proclaim the necessity of immediately arming the people and of allowing the people to decide the question of war and peace ... finally, to oppose the imperialist war programme, which is to preserve Austria and Turkey, i.e., perpetuate reaction in Europe and in Germany, with the old, truly national programme of the patriots a nd democrats of 1848, the programme of Marx, ??? ||||| Engels and Lassalle—the slogan of a united, great German Republic. This is the banner that should have been unfurled before the country, which would have been a truly national banner of liberation, and which would |||| have been in accord with the best traditions of Germany and with the international class policy of the proletariat” (88).

__ 100: | ...“Hence, the grave dilemma—the interests of the fatherland or the international solidarity of the proletariat—the tragic conflict which prompted our parliamentarians to side, ‘with a heavy heart’, with the imperialist war, is purely imaginary, a bourgeois-nationalist fiction. On the contrary, there is complete harmony between the interests of the country and the class interests of the proletarian International, both in time of war and in time of peace: both war and peace demand the most energetic development of the class struggle, the most determined fight for the Social-Democratic programme” (89)....

[DITTO: | ] But what should the Party have done? Call a mass strike? Or call for refusal to serve in the army? It would be absurd to try to answer. The revolution cannot be “made”. “Prescriptions and recipes of a technical nature” would be “ridiculous” (90); it is not a question of such things, but of a clear political slogan. (Expatiates against technique, etc., etc., “small conspiratorial circles”, etc.) (N.B. 101–02). || | __ § VIII (93-104) deals especially with the question of “victory or defeat”, endeavours to prove that both are equally bad (ruin, new wars, etc.). To choose between them would be “a hopeless choice between two lots of thrashing” (98)... “except in one single case: if by its revolutionary intervention the international proletariat upsets all the calculations” (of both imperialisms) (98).... There can be no status quo (99), no going “backwards”, only forward to the victory of the proletariat. Not hare brained schemes of disarmament, not “utopias” or “partial reforms” (99), but the struggle against imperialism.

p. 102—the threat of “mass collapse of ||| but America?? and Japan?? the European proletariat” (102).... “When the hour strikes, the signal for the social revolution that will set mankind free will come only from Europe, only from the oldest capitalist countries. Only the British, French, Belgian, German, Russian and Italian workers together can lead the army of the exploited and enslaved in the five continents of the world” (103).

“THE SOCIALISTS AND PEACE”[edit source]

Journal des débats, November 11, 1915.

“The socialists and peace”.... “It certainly seems as if this conference [Zimmerwald] had been organised by |! the German socialists, whose intimate connection with the government of that country is well known. It is a manoeuvre on the part of our enemies which should not astonish us. They have resorted to it several times ever since they have felt that all is up with them.”

...“The French Socialist Party considered it necessary to speak out” (the Socialist Party resolution against the conference) “in order to dispel any ambiguity |!! and to affirm once again that it remains faithful to the patriotic pact of the sacred union.”

ITEMS IN LE TEMPS[edit source]

Le Temps, November 13.

Item (on p. 2) on the Vorwärts article about Renaudel’s speech and, sympathetically, on the l’Humanité article against Zimmerwald.

Ibidem November 12.

“The Socialists and Alsace-Lorraine.”

An article by Compère-Morel in l’Humanité frankly states “that we do not consider Alsace-Lorraine as being such” ( = as German territories, which we do not wish to “conquer”).

BRAUER ON GERMAN “DEFEATISTS”[edit source]

Hochland, Munich, No. 8, 1914–15, May 1915.

[[BOX: A Roman Catholic, aristocratic organ of the Austro-Munich clericalists ]]

(published by Karl Muth)

Th. Brauer, War and Socialism.

...“The war is more than just an episode in the development of socialism: it leads (at least as a possibility) to a definite end of this development” (176)....

...(The “story” of Marx, Engels, Bebel....)

...“Theoretical ‘annihilation’ does not prevent ‘opportunism’ from living merrily on and winning respect. As the masses flocking to the socialist banner grow, so also, but to a much greater degree, grows their desire with regard to the present, and there is no preventing them, in their aspirations, from turning their eyes to the present-day state” (179–80)....

...Precisely in this (revolutionary) ideology, against which Bernstein fought—“precisely in this ideology the European war plays a great part as the prelude to the social revolution” (180).

(The trade unions grow wiser)

...“immediately before the war there was also a formal approximation between trade union socialism and ‘bourgeois’ social reform” (181).

“The volte-face of German Social-Democracy at the outbreak of the war, seen in its purely external aspect, came as a sudden sharp break. Right up to the eve of the war, the press carried exhortations, ||| N.B. warnings and appeals in the old agitational jargon. Views were even expressed which, by referring to what allegedly happened in France after 1870, sounded like eulogy of defeat. Then, however, a single day brought about ... a turn which could not be more complete. The official explanations do not even remotely justify it. As everyone knows—and there is no need therefore to dwell on this—they can be easily refuted by previous official statements” (181).

...(The socialist masses, we are told, came into contact with the “full” reality of life)....

...“The far-seeing socialists, especially from the revisionist camp” (182) ... long ago pointed out the danger of such an [old-socialist] education of the people....

...(eulogy of patriotism)....

...“Now, at last, the reformists can hope to find a strong, impregnable basis for the new socialist and Social-Democratic programme they have so ardently desired” (183)....

...“If one wanted to describe briefly the practical success of revisionist activity, one would have to say that it has shattered faith in Marxism, both among ||| N.B. the leaders and the upper stratum of practical organisers, and that, in default of an adequate substitute, they have made tactics their ‘credo’” (184).

[[BOX-ENDS: and in general (188) let us first have the opinion of those who will come back from the trenches. ]]

|| N.B. N.B. Report of Swiss Factory and Mining Inspectors on Their Work in 1912 and 1913—Aarau, 1914 (265 pp., 3 marks).

ARTICLES AND NOTES IN LE TEMPS[edit source]

Le Temps, December 6, 1915.

“The anniversary of the battle of Champigny” was celebrated today.

Speech by M. Albert Thomas:

“No peace until our Alsace and our Lorraine have been definitely returned to France”....

...until German imperialism has been rendered harmless, etc., etc. (...“victory”....)... “to the finish”....

Ibidem, December 7, 1915.

An article (editorial) “Good Words”.

“This demonstration is the more significant because M. Albert Thomas represents in the government, together with M.M. Guesde and Sembat, the United Socialist Party, certain elements of which cannot N.B. || forget the dangerous tendencies which used to prevail among them before the war and remain obsessed by the vague ideal of an internationalism from which we almost perished”.... |

...“There is here” (in the Thomas speech) “a precise, formal claim for the simple unconditional return of Alsace-Lorraine to France. These words are in happy contrast to the too cautious formulas sometimes advanced by the extreme Left and open to regrettable misunderstandings.”

Ibidem (p. 2) “Among the Socialists”. Yesterday there was a preparatory meeting (for the Party Congress on December 25, 1915) of the Seine federation. Bourderon tried to speak, “but he was violently interrupted” (there were shouts that he had no credentials) (idem Journal des débats, December 7, 1915. When Bourderon said that he represented the minority, “violent protests were raised”...).

“Yesterday evening in the rue de Paris at Montreuil, M. Merrheim was to have given a lecture on the international pacifist conference in Zimmerwald. M. Merrheim’s lecture was forbidden.”

“AMERICAN ARMS SUPPLIERS”[edit source]

Article in Neue Zürcher Zeitung, 1915, No. 485, 1st morning edition. April 23, 1915.

American Arms Suppliers.

“For some considerable time now the American press has carried reports on arms deliveries to the Entente powers. We take the following from a California newspaper:

“‘Warmaterial destined for the Allies is now shipped by American producers to Canada, from where British ships carry it to England. Goods for France and Russia follow the same route, via England. Through agents or directly, the Allies have contracts with nearly all American armaments factories. Of course, the factories keep this a secret, for fear of having to stop their supplies, because all this material is contraband of war.

“‘Fifty-seven U.S. factories are engaged exclusively in armaments production. They normally employ about 20,000 workers, but now, working two and three shifts, the number is about 50,000. They do not make explosives. These are produced at about 103 factories, whose output has doubled since the outbreak of the war. Many gun-cotton factories are working three shifts. The mass demand has, of course, resulted in higher prices. Thus, in February the French Government ordered 24,000,000 lbs || of gun-cotton at 65 cents per pound, whereas in ordinary times the cost is 24–25 cents.

“thinspace‘In addition, there are items of equipment for troops and animals: footwear, utensils, saddles, tanned leather, etc. For America, the European war means a vast, profitable business.’”

Lloyd George in Parliament.

THE DAILY TELEGRAPH, APRIL 22 AND 23, 1915[edit source]

The Daily Telegraph, April 22, 1915.

Lloyd George’s speech in the House of Commons:

“He astounded the House by saying that in a single fortnight of last month the British artillery fired more shells than during the whole continuance of the Boer War.”

N.B. || If in September the output (of artillery shells) was 20, in March it was 388, 19 times as much. [ARC-ARROW DOWN TO "In March,..."]

(And in September it was more than in August, and in August more than in July!)

Before the war, he said, it was reckoned that there would he six divisions on the continent. There are now 36 = 720,000 men.

[SEE ABOVE.] In March, the Defence of the Realm Act was passed “enabling [the government] to take over N.B. || any suitable engineering firms and turn them to producing shells.

“Munitions without end—such is the best formula for saving life and securing a speedy end to the war”....

Ibidem, April 23.

“Patriotic Pledge by Employers”:

I declare that, in giving employment after the war, I will give preference to those who have served in the army.

Signature

(The King and Ministers favour this).

Ibidem. Roosevelt’s book. America and the World War.

The author favours the rule: “speak softly, but carry a big stick” (he complains that people call him the “big stick”, but forget the beginning of his saying). (The example of Belgium.)

Favours the United States of America introducing national “military training” à la Switzerland or Australia....

ARTICLES BY HUGO BÖTTGER IN DER TAG[edit source]

Der Tag, 1915, No. 93 (edition A), April 22, 1915.

Article: “The Free Trade Unions and the Government” by Dr. Hugo Böttger, Reichstag deputy.

The author begins with the fact that the managing director of a mining company (in Gelsenkirchen), Kirdorf , reproached Minister Delbrück (Minister of the Interior) for maintaining “close contact with the trade union leaders”.

This was dangerous for the workers would become more restless.

The author replies that there is no harm in this, that workers and employers are standing side by Bide in the trenches, that “if they (= the free trade unions = the Social-Democrats) are enlisted for joint work on certain labour and general national questions in the Ministry of the Interior, that is just as much a recognition of the need, || N.B. as it is an obligation, for the duration of the war, to renounce certain provisions of the Social-Democratic programme which belong to the sphere of the International and, in common with all other sections of the population, to do their duty and defend the fatherland”....

An article by the same author in No. 82 (April 9) “The Development of Our Policy”, in which, inter alia, it is stated:

“It is surprising that even in Social-Democratic discussions the opinion clearly emerges, against the back ground of Marxist thinking, that now one has to reckon with the further development of imperialism, the development of large world powers, externally sovereign, as far as possible independent. Some reject this, others try to include imperialism in socialist development, || and, of course, there can be no doubt as to which of these two trends is the wiser and has the greatest prospect of success”....

“THE OBJECTS OF THE WAR”, ARTICLE IN THE ECONOMIST[edit source]

The Economist, March 27, 1915. Saturday.

Article: “The Objects of the War” (in connection with Grey’s speech on Monday (March 22??) in the Bechstein Hall).

The editors are concerned for peace and rejoice that Grey did not say anything likely “to lengthen or embitter the war”....

The end of the article reads:

“Statesmanship cannot contemplate a bitter end of universal mourning and almost universal bankruptcy. A time may come before long when it will be possible to consult the dictates of humanity and at the same time to secure the objects indicated by Sir Edward Grey [the freedom of nationalities etc.].... If such an opportunity is lost, the war will N.B. ||| not go on for ever. It will end in revolutionary chaos, beginning no one can say where and ending in no one can say what. ||| Even if the war ceased tomorrow, there is hardly a family even in this comparatively prosperous country which will not suffer severely for years to come from the burdens entailed by the struggle” (p. 615). (End.)

JOURNAL DE GENÈVE, APRIL 7, 1915[edit source]

Journal de Genève, April 7, 1915.

A leading article entitled: “The Harm of Talking Too Much” discusses the book: Lessons of the 1914 Yellow Book by Henri Welschinger, Member of the Institute, published by Bloud et Gay, Paris.

On July 13, 1914 (note the date!), M. Ch. Humbert, “the reporter for the War Committee”, anxious to demonstrate France’s unpreparedness, told the Senate that France had practically no heavy artillery, even of 10–13–21 cm. Mortars of 28 cm. would be available ... in a year’s time!!

And next day, July 14, 1914, the War Minister, Messimy, stated in the Senate that

at the end of 1915 (!!) France would have

200 long 105 mm. guns, and at the end of 1917 (!!!) 200 short 120 mm. howitzers.

N.B. ||| “Could Germany draw any other conclusion than ‘Let us march without losing time’?”

LLOYD GEORGE ON £4,000,000,000[edit source]

Lloyd George in the House of Commons. Tuesday, May 4, 1915 (The Daily Telegraph, May 5.)

...“What is the income of this country? The income of this country in times of peace is £2,400,000,000.

|| N.B. “Now it is probably higher. Why? We are spending hundreds of millions of borrowed money here. Most of it is spent in this country. Men are working time and overtime, their wages are higher; profits in certain trades are higher, certainly considerably higher; and the result is that the income of this country at the present moment is probably higher than in times of peace. || N.B. Some are probably making huge profits—(hear, hear)—and others have raised their income far beyond their ordinary standard.

“I have no doubt that it would be perfectly just when we come to consider, if we can have to do it, what taxes you have to raise or what contribution you have to levy in order to enable you to get through a war lasting two or three years—it would || N.B. be perfectly legitimate to resort to those who have made exceptional incomes out of the war (cheers).... What are the ordinary savings of this country in times of peace? The ordinary savings are about £300–400 (millions) per annum. The income is higher, and I do not think it is too much to say that in every country in Europe the standard of living is considerably lower—I am not sure to what extent.

| _|_ | N.B. “But the savings of this country during the period of the war when the income is higher ought to be double.”

And another passage from the same speech:

“We are an enormously rich country—certainly the richest in Europe. I am not sure that we are not the richest country in the world, || £4,000,000,000 in proportion to population. We have £4,000,000,000 invested in foreign and colonial securities of the best”!!

...“We have got to finance the purchases of most of our Allies”....

  1. So given by Harms.—Ed.
  2. See present edition. Vol. 22, pp. 242–43.—Ed.
  3. See present edition, Vol. 22, p. 243.—Ed.
  4. Ibid., p. 243.—Ed.
  5. See present edition, Vol. 22, p. 254.—Ed.
  6. The text of this table in the notebook was written by N. K. Krupskaya except in places set in heavy type.—Ed.
  7. 7.0 7.1 With Egypt and the Sudan....
  8. 8.0 8.1 Included among the colonies here are the Hawaiian Islands and Alaska, countries not bordering [on the main territory of the metropolitan country].
  9. The Arctic Archipelago of North America....
  10. Iceland and Greenland.
  11. (The islands St. Paul, New Amsterdam, Kerguelen)....
  12. The text of this table in the notebook was written by N. K. Krupskaya; words in heavy type were written by Lenin.—Ed.
  13. See present edition, Vol. 22, p. 254.—Ed.
  14. –337 1 )
  15. The text of page 10 in the notebook (pp. 305–07 of this volume) was Written by N. K. Krupskaya; words in heavy type were written by Lenin.—Ed.
  16. See present edition, Vol. 22, pp. 305–20.—Ed.
  17. See Marx and Engels, Selected Works, Moscow, 1982, Vol. I, p. 540. p. 310