Letter to Laura Lafargue, September 11, 1892

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To Laura Lafargue at Le Perreux

London, September 11, 1892[edit source]

My dear Laura,

I am here again since last Tuesday, still house-bound, but mending. Louise I expect back on Wednesday, Bebel fetched her from Vienna to Berlin and there she is now.

Thanks for the news about the paper. Then Luce being out of it, I take it that the old agreement has lost its binding power over the other signatories too, unless expressly renewed by them. With Luce, too, his friend Vignaud has, I suppose, also gone out (the man is unknown to me). Anyhow it looks as if a new combination was being tried — let us hope it will be successful and the last of its race.

Here we have had a very important event which will occupy all the Socialist parties of the Continent. As you will see from enclosed report, the Trades Unions Congress deliberately rejected the invitation to the Zurich Congress and resolved to call together “immediately” an Eight Hours Congress of its own — and an International one too! This requires action on our part, and if possible, concerted action of the whole Continent.

The English workmen are so deeply infected with the Parliamentary spirit of compromise that they cannot do a step in advance without at the same time taking 3/4 or 7/8 of a step backwards. Thus the sudden awakening of the Eight Hours enthusiasm (3 years ago considered an impossibility, you know, by the very people who now clamour loudest after it) has almost succeeded in giving a reactionary character to that cry. It is to be the universal panacea, the one thing to be thought of. In their exultation at having secured so soon such a large and unexpected majority, the mass of the 8 hours men now sacrifice everything that goes further, to the newly-converted “Old” Unionists. This massacre of the Socialist Innocents is submitted to all the easier as the “New” elements are divided, without general organisation, personally unknown to each other, and have not as yet had the time to develop men enjoying the confidence of all; as you know, this can only be obtained here in Britain by what Ruge called die Kraft der wiederholten Erscheinung[1], the effect of hawking your own person constantly for years before the public, teste Shipton, Cremer, Howell, etc.

Anyhow the fact is there. The T. U. C. by a deliberate vote of 189 to 97, nearly 2 to 1, has placed itself outside the universal working men’s movement and resolved to march apart. With every possible insult our invitation has been flung back in our faces. Not even an order to the Parliamentary Committee to reply politely. Not even a formal motion based on the invitation; a counter-motion is brought in, and then the invitation has to slip in as an amendment, otherwise it would not have been noticed at all. You will see from the full report I shall send you what a trouble Will Thorne had to get it even brought before the Congress! In fact the insult is complete.

Now what’s to be done? This has to be considered seriously, and first of all by the French as their Marseille Congress is before the Berlin one (16 October) . If we reply to the insult in the way it deserves, the Possibilists and Blanquists, who are sure to go to the Trades Union Congress, will make capital out of it. On the other hand, if the Possibilists and Blanquists go, and are alone of all Continental Socialists, then all the better for us. Therefore I consider it of the highest importance that our French friends at once agree upon a common line action with Bebel and the German Executive. If Germany and France act together, Spain, Austria, Italy, Switzerland, probably Belgium, will follow, and Domela may go if he likes.

At present — I have not yet had Edward’s personal report on the affair (he was there)—my opinion is this:

1 ) France and Germany ought at Marseille and Berlin to proclaim their intention to ignore this pseudo-Congress altogether.

2) They ought to do this in a resolution of firm, but quiet and not hostile language, which, if possible, should be identical for both and a model for the other nationalities; leaving the door open to future T. U. Congresses, and to single Trades Unions even at present, to return to the fold. This they are sure to do, I am sure many will regret their vote before many days are over.

3) If mild counsels should prevail, and it should be resolved to be present at this British Congress, for the sake of peace, then one delegate from each country ought to go and no more. And he must, as a matter of form, be elected and mandatĂŠ by the Trades Union Congress, or Executive thereof and be a bona fide workman or he will not be admitted. And this one delegate should depose a distinct protest.

I shall write to Bebel tomorrow on this matter. In the meantime please let me know where your people are and what can be done to come to an understanding with the Germans.

I enclose you a specimen of the French correspondence the Vorwärts is now printing and Liebknecht will excuse it, no doubt, saying that if our people will not send reports he must take them where he can get them.

If I hear anything more from Edward before this letter goes, I shall put it in.

Ever yours,

F.E.

In a day or two I send you 2 books of mine.[2]

The Scotch paper goes by the same post as this.

  1. ↑ the impact of repeated appearance
  2. ↑ Socialism: Utopian and Scientific, London, New York, 1892, and Die Lage der arbeitenden Klasse in England, Stuttgart, 1892