Interview by the Daily Telegraph

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Leo Trotsky (or “Mr. Sadoff,” as he persists in calling himself), has now abandoned the mystery with which he has surrounded himself since his deportation from Russia. Since yesterday [March 14] he has started receiving foreign newspaper representatives.

Heretofore he has been completely hidden. This is due either to the measures taken for his seclusion by his gaolers at the Soviet Consulate here, or in order to fulfil his undertaking with his Press agents in Paris, or both. The ex-War Lord of Soviet Russia is no longer a prisoner of the Bolsheviks. He is now, to all intents and purposes, an ordinary visitor to Constantinople, and is staying at its best hotel, Tokatlians.

Trotsky received me this afternoon in his bedroom, after my identity had been verified by his ambassador, his son. Owing to the reports current concerning his ill-health, I expected to find a frail and broken man. But I was astonished to meet a Trotsky apparently hale and certainly hearty — clean-shaven, with straight back and firm step, and looking in no wise displeased with his lot.

His appearance must be somewhat deceptive, however. He told me he was anxious to put himself in the hands of his German doctors, for he had need of medical attention. No reply has yet been received to his request for permission to reside in Germany. But the Red ex-leader entertains little doubt that a visa will ultimately be forthcoming. He explains the long delay as being probably due to the present Cabinet crisis in Berlin.

Reports that he has addressed requests for visas to France, Holland, and Czechoslovakia are, he assured me, utterly untrue. Germany is the only place he desires to reside in, he said. But he added that at some time he would dearly love to visit the British Museum, which throughout the world has no equal and “where, as Victor Hugo said, ‘when this century was two years old’ I passed six happy months studying and writing one of my books.”

“Suppose I requested the British Government’s permission to go to London to visit again the British Museum, do you think I should get it?” he asked me.

I replied that it was in the realm of possibility. On this he seized a blank telegram form and asked, “Will you sign on behalf of your paper, which is hostile to me, a recommendation that this privilege be granted me?” Naturally I declined to do any such thing.

Whereupon Trotsky went on to refer to the bracketed note, “Great laughter,” in the papers on the occasion of a question being recently asked by a member in the House of Commons. This was whether favorable consideration would be given if Trotsky sought refuge in England, and whether his presence would be tolerated.

“What signifies in this ‘great laughter’ is that the possibility of my ever being allowed in England is such as to provoke nothing but mirth.”

There is no doubt that Trotsky would regard securing a visa to England as a great personal victory. Little, I gathered, as he loves the British, it is equally certain, judging from the way he dwelt reminiscently on the attractions of the British Museum, that he would cherish the occasion to profit from them again.

With regard to the actual Anglo-Russian situation Trotsky made some strong comments on what he termed the lack of foresight displayed by Great Britain in persisting to ignore Soviet Russia.

“It is a primary necessity (for England),” he said, “to resume diplomatic and commercial relations with Soviet Russia, and for each to let bygones be bygones — to a certain extent.”

My observation that I believed there were certain matters of considerable importance yet requiring solution, brought forth the remark that for England to start again drawing up and presenting a statement of outstanding accounts would be useless.

“It will lead nowhere,” he said. “And what about the milliards of pounds Russia has lost because of Great Britain? Why, British soldiers and British gold were solely responsible for the civil war in Russia. But for their intervention Russia’s revolution would have been bloodless. For up to the British intervening and inciting the Whites, the Reds were assuming control of the machinery of government in a perfectly orderly manner and meeting with no resistance. No, Great Britain is not an undisputed creditor.”

Here what appeared to be the inevitable propaganda became evident. For Trotsky outlined what industrially and politically England stood to lose if she came second in the race with the United States for Soviet Russia’s favour.

“The day will arrive — and it is not far distant, and it rests with Great Britain as to whether it will be too late or not — when she will have to come knocking at the door of Russia. She is in great danger of receiving a fatal push out of the way from America and once the latter makes up with Russia Great Britain’s future outlook will become very cloudy.

“Russia naturally requires a foreign market in Great Britain or America: which it is, is to her immaterial, but to them vital. Furthermore, with a resumption of relations, Great Britain, fearing, as she does, the extension of Communism within her territory and making this one reason for holding aloof, would be no worse off than now. She is master in her own house, and ought to be capable of keeping it in order. Only children are paralyzed by fear; Governments, by their own strength, should overcome it.”

Trotsky declares that he has done with active politics, and means to devote himself entirely to writing. He tells me he has had offers for articles from all over the world, and his future livelihood will be obtained by his pen. He is now engaged upon his autobiography.