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Special pages :
What Must the Austrian Social Democratic Opposition Do?
Author(s) | Leon Trotsky |
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Written | 3 May 1933 |
Several Austrian Social Democrats, opposed to their leadership, have done me the honor of asking for political advice or answers to several concrete questions. I am wholly ready to answer the questions, within the limits prescribed by my absence from the scene of immediate struggle.
1. The idea is apparently widespread among the Austrian left Social Democrats that already all is irretrievably lost. Such a pessimistic manner of judging a priori is theoretically false and politically impermissible. True, the most favorable moment for struggle has been allowed to slip by. Nevertheless the struggle can be carried on in less favorable conditions and victory obtained. The pessimists invoke the unfavorable state of mind of the masses. True, everything that could have been done from above has been done to discourage and demoralize the workers. But the spirit of the masses is a variable magnitude. If a fighting and inspiring left faction raises its voice in time, the state of mind of the masses can change. The conflict between the Nazis and the government can present a favorable situation for the intervention of the workers. A revolutionary should not give up a position for lost so long as it is not in the hands of the enemy.
2. The Social Democratic leadership, true to its traditions, has completely capitulated before Dollfuss, that is, before fascism. Only the Social Democratic Opposition can call forth a sharp turn in the state of mind of the toiling masses. But for that it must first of all rise to the height of its historic task. Is that possible? It is useless to speculate. Action decides.
3. One of the correspondents writes: "You will no doubt demand that we join your organization." No, today the question is not posed so abstractly. The organization of die Left Opposition (Bolshevik-Leninists) stands on the ground of a definite international program which has been tested in great historical events in a series of countries (USSR, China, Great Britain, Spain, Germany, etc.). We will, of course, be very happy if the further development of events brings the Social Democratic Opposition closer to us. On our part, we are ready to do everything to facilitate and hasten this rapprochement through means of comradely discussion, reciprocal criticism, etc. But this demands a relatively long perspective. In the appreciation of the next, immediate tasks of the Austrian Social Democratic Opposition, we must above all analyze the present situation in Austria and in the Austrian Social Democracy.
4. The Social Democratic Opposition can bring about a change in the state of mind of the workers on the condition that it immediately shows that it is not inclined to confine itself to literary criticism and that it is not getting ready to capitulate before the party leadership, which in turn capitulates before Hitler. In other words, it must break away from the opposition traditions of Max Adler, whose impotent left" criticism only strengthens and supports Otto Bauer and Co. An opposition is needed for a revolutionary struggle which will not hesitate in carrying out this task out of consideration for the discipline, statutes, and unity of the party.
5. The Opposition poses for itself the task of "saving the party." What are we to understand by that: the tradition of Austro-Marxism, its political course, its bureaucratic apparatus? On the contrary, we must put an end to all of this as rapidly and as thoroughly as possible. It is impossible to save the Social Democratic masses from disintegration and political degeneration without the proclamation of an uncompromising struggle against Bauer and Co. This struggle must inevitably lead to split The task is how to consummate this split with the greatest advantage for the proletarian revolution.
6. Does that mean that the Austrian Social Democratic Opposition should immediately leave the party and create a new one? No, that is not my opinion. Today, when the Opposition has not yet appeared before the working masses, such a split would only help Bauer and Co. Here, also, the first step should be: to speak out what is.
7. From this point of view, the draft declaration of the Social Democratic Opposition which has been sent to me is altogether inadequate. This document criticizes the party leadership instead of announcing an uncompromising struggle against it to the party masses. The word betrayal must be spoken. It may be said that this word has been much abused. In the new situation the Austrian workers will examine this word in a new light, particularly when it comes from the left Social Democrats. It is necessary to state that Bauer, Danneberg, Seitz, and Co. (all of them must be called by their names) have betrayed the Austrian proletariat just as Wels and Co. betrayed the German proletariat. Only such a candid and categoric declaration will make the independent intervention of the Opposition clear to the workers and at the same time inspire confidence in the seriousness of its intentions.
8. The fundamental political formulations of the document are unclear, have a tendency toward compromise, and risk the danger of causing confusion among the workers.
a. The declaration demands that the bourgeois republic be replaced by a workers' democracy. What is a "workers' democracy"? A fight can be conducted either for the reestablishment of the bourgeois democracy or for the proletarian dictatorship. The slogan "workers' democracy" is an impermissible enigma in revolutionary politics.
b. The declaration nowhere says that whatever the political slogan may be (democracy or dictatorship), it can be realized under the present circumstances only with the help of the armed strength of the workers.
c. The declaration does not raise the slogan of workers’ and soldiers' councils; the sabotage by the official apparatus of the Social Democracy and the trade unions can only crush the workers' councils; the slogan of soldiers' councils would open the way to the army for the workers.
The situation can change rapidly. Many things said above can quickly alter. But one thing can be said with certainty: all half-measures, every word left unsaid on the part of the Social Democratic Opposition will inevitably benefit the party leadership, and, in the last analysis, fascism also.