The Reichstag Farce

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(From a speech delivered at the Stuttgart Congress of the Social-Democratic Workers’ Party in 1870.)

I must first take up a question which has really been disposed of by the adoption of the Eisenach program; namely, the question whether the Socialist Party is a political party also, and whether it should concern itself with political conditions and meddle with such conditions. This question has been answered in the negative by the well-known resolution of the minority at the last congress of the Latin Section of the International Workingmen’s Association at Lachaux-de-fonds; this decision was based on the contention that the present-day state is the product of society and that a fundamental change in the structure of this society will also effect a transformation of the state.

The first clause is correct; the inference is fallacious. The present-day state is the expression of class rule; it represents the power of capital and is therefore obliged to oppose all those aspirations which aim at the elimination of class rule and the rule of capitalism. It must oppose such efforts, for in opposing them it is defending its own existence. It will never be possible to secure an abolition of the wage labor system by means of strikes and other non-political instruments of agitation. Only after the entire present-day state has fallen will it be possible to install a new system of production. We must therefore take possession of the state and create a new state which shall not know class rule, which shall tolerate neither masters nor slaves, and shall organize society on a cooperative basis. It is not only the content of the state, but also its form, which has essential importance for us; neither can be separated from the other.

Now, though we may be international, we should yet be committing a grave error if we should entirely lose sight of national affairs. Our watchword must be hic Rhodus, hic salta![a] Germany is the place; it is here we must fight! . . .

The suffrage right granted in the North German Confederation is merely a bait for the thoughtless. The “Berlin Reichstag” is only a sham parliament. . . .

What universal suffrage really amounts to in a state that is not free has been shown sufficiently by the elections to the “Reichstag”.

In Northern Germany, the Reichstag is elected on the basis of universal suffrage, but who will dare maintain that the “Reichstag” serves as an expression for the opinion of the people?

The “Reichstag” does not make history but is merely playing a comedy; the members say and act in accordance with the prompter’s instructions: and sometimes you can hear him shouting out loud. And is it to this “Reichstag” that we are to transfer the center of gravity of our struggle? No man can wish such a condition unless our whole struggle is a mere farce in his eyes. “Yes, indeed,” we are told, “the Reichstag is at present of course very badly constructed, but perhaps the next Reichstag will be a better one. Let us see to it that good ‘delegates’ are elected.” This would all be very well if the “Reichstag” were not completely impotent and if the government did not hold the elections altogether in its own hands. . . .

Yet, for practical and tactical reasons, I am quite in favor of our participation in the Reichstag elections. It would result in injury to us if we should leave the field entirely to our enemies. Elections, after all, do produce a certain commotion, which it should be our duty to utilize for purposes of agitation. Yet we must not elect our delegates in order that they may take part in this farce-comedy, but for the purpose of permitting them to protest against it, of having them protest against absolutism, which conceals itself behind the forms of parliamentarism, and for the purpose of enabling them to denounce to the people those persons who permit themselves to be used in this comedy. Our delegates must not speak to the “Reichstag”, but their words must pass over the heads of the members of the Reichstag and reach the people themselves. . . .

I now come to the question of what we are to do during the elections with regard to the other parties participating. Is it possible for us to establish an alliance with other parties? Of course, no other parties could be considered in this connection except the Fortschrittspartei[b] and the Volkspartei; but, after what I have just said, I cannot answer this question in any other way than in the negative.

I should like to interpolate a little observation here. A short time ago, the newspapers printed a letter from Johann Jacobi[c] addressed to the Committee of the League of Peace and Liberty at Geneva, in which it is stated that the main issue in the struggle is the question of monarchy or republic; Jacobi declares that all other matters are of minor importance, and not worth fighting for. Gentlemen! I cannot help remarking that Jacobi completely contradicts, in this statement, his last speech delivered in Berlin, which puts the proper emphasis on the social content of the political struggle.

The question of republic or monarchy is, in part at least, a question of form only. The principle we are concerned with in the first place is the principle of equality, and this principle may be violated under a republic as well as under a monarchy. A republic based on class rule is a violation of the principle of equality that expresses itself in the person of every capitalist and every proletarian, and vindicates the principle of equality only in its elimination of one individual: namely, the monarch. To be a Social-Democrat means far more than to be a Republican without desiring to eliminate class rule, but all those who aim at the elimination of class rule are, of course, Republicans also.

Enough has been said. Our path in the coming elections has been indicated to us: we can inflict only harm on ourselves by means of alliances with other parties; such alliances would oblige us to relinquish our place at least in part; and our very strength is in the fact that our attitude is perfectly clear to ourselves and to others, since we make no effort to conceal our goals. Our strength is in our principles. Half-way measures will destroy us. Therefore let us boldly unfurl our flags so that we may be seen by friend and foe; then we shall march surely to liberty!