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Special pages :
The Agreement Assembly Session of June 17
Written: by Engels on June 19, 1848;
First published: in Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 20, June 20, 1848.
The agreement debates (Vereinbarungsdebatten) was the name given by Marx and Engels to the debates in the Prussian National Assembly, which met in Berlin in May 1848 to draft a Constitution âby agreement with the Crownâ according to the formula proposed by the Hansemann-Camphausen Government. Marx and Engels labelled the Berlin Assembly, which adopted this formula and thereby rejected the principle of popular sovereignty, the âAgreement Assemblyâ and its deputies âthe agreersâ.
Cologne, June 19. âNothing learned and nothing forgottenâ [remark Talleyrand is supposed to have made about the Bourbons] â this saying is as valid for the Camphausen Government as it is for the Bourbons.
On June 14, the people, enraged by the agreersâ repudiation of the revolution, march upon the arsenal.â They want a guarantee against the Assembly and they know that weapons are the best guarantee. The arsenal is taken by storm and the people arm themselves.
The storming of the arsenal, an event without immediate results, a revolution that stopped halfway, nevertheless had the effect:
1. That the trembling Assembly retracted its decision of the previous day and declared that it would place itself under the protection of the people of Berlin.
2. That it repudiated the Ministry on a vital question and rejected the Camphausen draft Constitution by a majority of 46 votes.
3. That the Ministry immediately disintegrated, that the Ministers Kanitz, Schwerin and Auerswald resigned (of these up to now only Kanitz has definitely been replaced, by Schreckenstein) and that on June 17 Herr Camphausen asked the Assembly to give him three days to replenish his decimated Ministry.
All this was accomplished by the storming of the arsenal.
And at the same time when the effects of this self-arming of the people become so strikingly apparent, the Government dares attack that action itself. At the same time when Assembly and Ministry acknowledge the insurrection, the participants of the insurrection are subjected to a judicial investigation, and are dealt with according to old-Prussian laws, slandered in the Assembly and portrayed as common thieves!
On the very same day when the trembling Assembly places itself under the protection of those who stormed the arsenal, they are described as ârobbersâ and âviolent thievesâ in decrees issued by Herr Griesheim (Commissioner in the Ministry of War) and Herr Temme (Public Prosecutor). The âliberalâ Herr Temme whom the revolution brought back from exile, begins a stringent investigation of those who continue the revolution. Korn, LĂświnsohn and Urban are arrested. All over Berlin, police raid after police raid is being carried out. Captain Natzmer, who had the sense to recognise the necessity for an immediate withdrawal from the arsenal, the man who by his peaceful retreat saved Prussia from a new revolution and the Ministers from immense danger, this man is tried by a military court which makes use of the articles of war to condemn him to death.
The members of the Agreement Assembly are likewise recovering from their fright. In their session on the 17th, they repudiate the men who stormed the arsenal just as they repudiated the barricade fighters on the 9th. The following events transpired during this session of the 17th.
Herr Camphausen explains to the Assembly that he will now reveal all facts in order that it may decide whether or not to impeach the Ministry because of the storming of the arsenal.
There was a reason, indeed, for impeaching the Ministers, not because they tolerated the storming of the arsenal, but rather because they caused it by circumventing one of the most significant results of the revolution: the arming of the people.
Then Herr Griesheim, Commissioner in the Ministry of War, rises after him. He gives a lengthy description of the weapons in the arsenal, especially of rifles âof an entirely new type of which only Prussia knows the secretâ, of weapons âof historical significanceâ and of all the other marvellous items. He describes the guarding of the arsenal: upstairs there are 250 army troops and downstairs is the civic militia. He refers to the fact that the flow of weapons to and from the arsenal, which is the main armoury of the whole Prussian state, was hardly interrupted by the March revolution.
After all these preliminary remarks with which he tried to arouse the sympathy of the agreers for the arsenal, this most interesting institution, he finally comes to the events of June 14.
The peopleâs attention had always been drawn to the arsenal and the arms deliveries and they had been told that these weapons belonged to them.
The weapons belonged indeed to the people, first of all as national property and secondly as part of the acquired and guaranteed right of the people to bear arms.
Herr Griesheim âcould state with certainty that the first shots were fired by the people against the civic militiaâ.
This assertion is a counterpart to the âseventeen dead soldiersâ of March.[1]
Herr Griesheim now relates that the people invaded the arsenal, that the civic militia retreated and that â 1,100 rifles of the new type of rifle were then stolen, an irreplaceable lossâ (!). Captain Natzmer had been talked into a âdereliction of dutyâ, i.e. into retreating, and the military had withdrawn.
But now the Commissioner from the Ministry of War comes to a passage of his report which causes his old-Prussian heart to bleed: the people desecrated the sacred shrine of old Prussia. Listen:
âThereafter downright atrocities began to occur in the rooms upstairs. Theft, robbery and destruction took place. New weapons were flung down and broken. Antiques of irreplaceable value, rifles inlaid with silver and ivory and artistic, hard-to-replace artillery models were destroyed. Trophies and flags won by the blood of the people, symbols of the nationâs honour, were torn and besmirched! (General indignation. Calls from all sides: Shame! Shame!)
This indignation of the old blade at the frivolity of the people is indeed laughable. The people have committed âdownright atrocitiesâ against old spiked helmets, the shakos of the army reserve and other junk âof irreplaceable value"! They have flung down the ânew weapons"! What an âatrocityâ such an act must represent in the eyes of a veteran lieutenant-colonel who was only allowed to admire the ânew weaponsâ respectfully in the arsenal while his regiment had to practise with the most antiquated rifles! The people have destroyed the artillery models! Perhaps Herr Griesheim is demanding that the people are supposed to put on kid gloves before starting a revolution? But the most horrible event has yet to come â the trophies of old Prussia have been besmirched and torn!
Herr Griesheim relates an event which demonstrates that the people of Berlin showed a most correct revolutionary attitude on June 14. The people of Berlin disavowed the wars of liberation by trampling upon the flags captured at Leipzig and Waterloo. [2] The first thing the Germans have to do in their revolution is to break with their entire disgraceful past.
The old-Prussian Agreement Assembly, however, had of course to cry shame! shame! over an action in which the people for the first time confront in a revolutionary way not only their oppressors but also the glittering illusions of their own past.
In spite of all his whisker-raising indignation over such an outrage, Herr Griesheim does not, however, fail to remark that the whole matter âcost the state 50,000 talers as well as enough weapons to equip several battalions of troopsâ.
He continues:
âIt was not the desire to arm the people which caused the assault since the weapons were sold for a few groschen.â
The storming of the arsenal, according to Herr Griesheim, was merely the deed of a number of thieves who stole rifles in order to sell them again for a dram of liquor. The Commissioner from the Ministry of War so far owes us an explanation why the ârobbersâ Plundered the arsenal rather than the wealthy shops of the goldsmiths and money-changers.
âMuch sympathy has been shown for the unfortunate (!) captain because he violated his duty allegedly to prevent the shedding of citizensâ blood; his action has even been portrayed as commendable and deserving of thanks. Today I was even visited by a delegation which is demanding that this deed should be acknowledged by the entire fatherland as deserving of thanks. (Indignation.) It consisted of representatives of the various clubs which are under the chairmanship of Assessor Schramm. (Indignation on the Right and calls of âshame!â) One thing is certain, the captain has broken the first and foremost law of the soldier: he has abandoned his post in spite of explicit instructions given him not to leave it without explicit orders. It was put to him that his withdrawal would save the throne, that all troops had left the city and the King had fled from Potsdam. (Indignation.) He acted in exactly the same manner as the fortress commandant in 1806 who also surrendered that which had been entrusted to him without further ado instead of defending it.[3] Incidentally, the rejoinder that his withdrawal prevented the shedding of citizensâ blood does not hold water. Not a hair on anybodyâs head would have been touched since he surrendered his post at the moment when the rest of the battalion was coming to his aid.â (Shouts of âbravoâ from the Right, hissing from the Left.)
Herr Griesheim has, of course, forgotten again that Captain Natzmerâs restraint saved Berlin from renewed armed fighting, the Ministers from the greatest danger and the monarchy from being overthrown. Herr Griesheim, who again plays the role of lieutenant-colonel to the hilt, sees in Natzmerâs act nothing but insubordination, cowardly desertion of his post and treason in the well-known old-Prussian manner of 1806. The man to whom the monarchy owes its continued existence is to be condemned to death. What a wonderful example for the entire army!
And how did the Assembly act at this tale by Herr Griesheim? It became the echo of his indignation. The Left finally protested â by hissing. The Berlin Left is generally behaving in a more and more cowardly and ambiguous manner. Where were these gentlemen, who exploited the people during the elections, on the night of June
14, when the people soon let the advantages gained slip from their grasp again, solely because of their perplexity, and when only a leader was lacking to make the victory complete? Where were Herr Berends, Herr Jung, Herr Elsner, Herr Stein, and Herr Reichenbach? They remained at home or made innocuous complaints to the Ministers. But that is not all. They do not even dare to defend the people against the calumnies and vilifications of the Government Commissioner. Not a single one of them speaks up. Not a single one wants to be responsible for the action of the people which gave them their first victory. They dare not do anything but â hiss. What heroism!
- â On March 24, 1848, soldiers and non-commissioned officers killed on the night of March 18 during the popular insurrection were buried at the Invaliden Cemetery in Berlin. In their public announcements the authorities deliberately underestimated the number of casualties in order to disguise the extent of the fighting and to cover up the fact that the troops had been beaten by the people.
- â The reference is to the wars waged by the peoples of Europe against Napoleonic France in 1813-14 and 1815, following the defeat of Napoleonâs army in Russia in 1812. These were, indeed, of a contradictory nature and their character was affected by the counter-revolutionary aims and expansionist policy of the ruling circles in the feudal monarchical states fighting on the side of the anti-French coalition. But especially in 1813, when the struggle was aimed at liberating German territory from French occupation, they turned into a genuinely popular national liberation war against foreign oppression. In this passage, Engels ridicules the over-patriotic zeal with which the representatives of Germanyâs ruling classes speak of the 1813-14 and 1815 wars. Later, when once again considering that period of the history of Germany, Engels in a series of articles entitled âNotes on the Warâ (1870) stressed the progressive nature of the peopleâs resistance to Napoleonâs rule and in his work The Role of Force in History (1888) wrote: âThe peoplesâ war against Napoleon was the reaction of the national feeling of all the peoples, which Napoleon had trampled on.â The battle of the nations at Leipzig (October 16-19, 1813) ended with victory for the Russian, Prussian, Austrian and Swedish troops over Napoleonâs forces. At the battle of Waterloo (June 18, 1815) Napoleonâs forces were defeated by British and Prussian troops commanded by Wellington and BlĂźcher
- â Most Prussian fortresses capitulated to the French without a fight after the defeat of the Prussian troops at Jena and Auerstedt (October 14, 1806). The fortress of CĂźstrin, for instance, surrendered to a small French detachment on November 1 0, 1806, and Magdeburg, with its many-thousand-strong garrison and artillery, was surrendered by General Kleist on November 8, 1806, after the first salvo fired by the French from light field mortars