Plan for a Lecture on “Two Internationals”

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Lenin gave a lecture on the subject of “Two Internationals” in Zurich on February 4 (17), 1916. He gave the same lecture under a slightly changed name, “Two Trends in the International Working-Class Movement”, in Lausanne between May 19 and 21 (June 1 and 3) and in Geneva on May 20 (June 2).

The manuscript of the plan for the lecture, which is at the Central Party Archives of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the CPSU Central Committee, also reflects Lenin’s preparation for the second lecture in Lausanne and Geneva. In connection with the new data available after the Second International Socialist Conference at Kienthal, Lenin made additions, crossed out some points and changed their numeration. All the changes made by Lenin in the plan are indicated in the footnotes. p. 359

Two Internationals[edit source]

rpt.

1.

Subject: not an assessment of the war (>1 year ago and outdated), but (two) basic lines in the develop ment of the working-class movement and socialism.
A l i a s:

not an assessment of the war or tactical p r i n c i p l e s,

|| but an assessment of the course the working-class movement has taken. ||

Accordingly, the main thing: facts (on a broad scale) of the working-class movement and socialism, and comparison of various countries.

Subject:

[BOX ENDS:]

[[ You might say the world working-class and socialist movement as the touchstone of theory. ]]

2.

Introduction. Huysmans in Arnhem and in Rotterdam vs. Wijnkoop et Henriette Roland-

Hoist in B e r n e r T a g w a c h t.[1]


[BOX ENDS:]

[[ ?+cf. Avanti! (February 12, 1916)?[2]

[BOX:] Vorwärts[3] ]]

NB:

In the OC:

(1) blaming the workers;

(2) forgetting the ties with the liquidators.

2a. Etwa:

1. Russia: Patriots (Plekhanov & Co.) __ OC and Trotsky __

Nashe Slovo)

—CC
2. Germany: Majority —K. Kautsky & Co.— —minority. I.S.D. [4] —(Rühle)—Winnig
3. France: Majority —Longuet & Co.—

Bourderon

& Co.

|| Bourderon’s resolution || Reports in

“Labour Leader”[5]

4. Britain: Majority (Fabian Society, Labour Party,[6] Hyndman) — Askew (?) — Forward.[7]Glasgow

[BOX:] [[ NB: “Merthyr”[8] NB ]]

Socialist[9]

{{ Ornatsky in Nashe Slovo[10] }}

(( break with the Labour Party ))

[BOX ENDS:]

''L e t t e r s in L a b o u r L e a d e r''

__ __ __ __ __ __

5. Italy: Minority (Bissolati)— Italian official party. (Avanti! Feb. 12, 1916)
6. Austria: Majority (Pernerstorfer) — Adler — minority.

(( report in Berner Tagwacht[11] ))

7. America: Russel — (Hillquit) — — — Debs (D e b s’ s articles[12])

(( “bombs and )) _ _ _ _ _ _

8. Australia. Majority (government party) —?— — socialists.

3.

Russia. Elections to War Industries Committees.

First elections to CC (+the vacillating) +defencist b l o c (Larin). Indignation of the bourgeoisie and the government. Gvozdev’s denunciation. Second elections. Victory of chauvinists.

[BOX ENDS:]

[[ “... Not for defence, but for organisation....” ]]

[BOX ENDS:]

[[ ''Nashe Dyelo[13]'' + ''Nash Golos[14]'' + ''Rabocheye Utro[15]''

OC ]]

Trotsky and Nashe Slovo (Chkheidze group?)

CC

[BOX ENDS:]

[[Martov’s evolution: from “''Vorwärts'' is dead” and “we will not go into the International”—t o defence of alliance with ''N a s h e D y e l o'' (Boretsky).]]

Social-chauvinist mockery of Martov (Boretsky in Nashe Slovo).
This may well be brilliant “diplomacy”, but there is n o t a b i t of s o c i a l i s m in it.
Result:

two lines in the working-class movement in Russia.

Only two (the rest has passed away).

Their class basis:

N B:

Stolypin

“Khvostov labour party[16]

(α) in alliance with domestic bourgeoisie == = for strengthening “domestic” bourgeoisie (=f o r war)
(β) in alliance with international proletariat == = for international proletarian revolution.
Their ideas:

for “defence” (“defence of country”);, (“defencists”);

against “defence of country”... (cf. Zimmerwald Manifesto)[17]

[BOX END:] [ “Europa und die Revolution” in here?[18]

4. Germany.

Struggle within group: Liebknecht und Rühle 2 and 20 (their inconsistency)[19]{{ Fall Liebknecht[20] pamphlet

“regeneration”

“national-liberal party”. }}

Borchardt and Lichtstrahlen[21]Winnig.

Rühle and reply of Vorwärts (Analysis).[22]

{{

(&alpha) Circulation of illegal literature and illegal organisation.

(β) Helping the government. }}

Demonstration in Brunswick.[23](Strike in Hannover.)

5. France.

(1) Vaillant in L’Humanité (letters?)[24](“stopped their ears with blood-soaked cotton wool”, “doctrinaires”, etc., etc.) Saumoneau’s leaflet.[25]
{{
(2) Merrheim’s words at Zimmerwald: “le parti, le gouvernement et los Jouhaux ne sont que trois têtes sous un bonnet”.[26] }}(Brizon & Co. at Kienthal).[27]
(3) Bourderon’s resolution ((analysis of its text)).

(4) Report in Labour Leader on the split.

6. Britain.

Majority (participation in ministry)

defence.

The New Statesman[28] (and its attitude)

(Labour Party + Fabian Society).

Lloyd George in Glasgow and workers’ reply.
BOX ENDS:]

[[ contra—B. S. P., where 3/7 are internationalists ]]


Glasgow Socialist ((statement at Zimmerwald[29]))British Socialist Party


(Hyndman’s walk-out[30])[31]

Letters in Labour Leader.

Article on betrayal.

Merthyr.

7. Italy.

Bissolati—party

(Treves and his speech[32])

{{

I t a l y: Bissolati and the labour party

B u l g a r i a: Tesnyaki[33] and Shiroki

Sweden: Branting and Höglund

Holland: Troelstra and Tribune.[34] }}[35]

8. Austria. Pernerstorfer in N e u e Z e i t[36]

—V. Adler—internationalists...

{{ idem:

resolution of V. Adler and “15”.[37]

9. United States of North America. (“Wait and see”. . .)

Russel (V. Berger &&Co.) for “preparedness”. “Jingo”

Hiliquit=diplomat[38]

D e b s and his articles.

10. Australia. Report in Berner Tagwacht.[39]

Article in New Statesman

(I. K.[40]).[41]

11. Results.

{{ K. Kautsky in a letter to Bukvoyed....

{{ “There are˜˜ no two directions” }}

id. in Neue Zeit many times.

Falsehood and lies. I rr

K. Kautsky in Breitscheid report (“either the old International or half a dozen”).

Two and only two.

Throughout the world.





Diplomacy—hypocrisy—vacillation—delusion?

{{

It is not the word that matters.

Axelrod and Martov [...] in Russia

Kautsky and Haase in [...] in Germany

Longuet et [...] in France

P r e s s e m a n e

Hiliquit in America

Askew and others in Britain

ΣΣ= Huysmans.[42]

[ALL NAMES ABOVE GROUPED BY:]

one type }}

(( Montagne and Gironde (Plekhanov in Iskra No. 2, 1901, “On the Threshold of the 20th Century”).

(( “Boys with $2” and with capitalist “brains” in Appeal to Reason.[43]

Not diplomatic cover-up (“St. Petersburg slush”—

Kautskian Vaut mieux dire[44] ),

but explanation to the masses.

Inevitability of split.



Revolution((

cf. L’information

+Europa und die Revolution ))[45]
Iskra No. 2 (1901):Montague and Gironde.
Struggle against opportunism{{Bernstein.

Millerandism and Jaurèsism. British liberal labour policy. Split in a number of Countries. }}

The war has accelerated

the development— —of the

break-up both ways.
Quid est Kienthal ?[46]


  1. A reference to the report by Henriette Roland-Holst in “Beilage zur Berner Tagwacht” (Supplement to the Berne Sentinel) No. 18 of January 22, 1916, concerning the speech by the Secretary of the International Socialist Bureau, C. Huysmans, at the Extraordinary Congress of the Social-Democratic Party of Holland on January 8-9; Huysmans also spoke at Rotterdam on February 2. He was opposed by the Left internationalist D. Wijnkoop, who said that since Huysmans had voted, for the war credits, socialists could no longer regard him as Secretary of the International Socialist Bureau. “We shall set up another International,” said Wijnkoop.
    At the Central Party Archives of the Institute of Marxism–Leninism of the CPSU Central Committee there is a cutting from “Beilage zur Berner Tagwacht” No. 18 of January 22, 1916, with Lenin’s markings; on Huysmans’s speech at Rotterdam, Lenin made an extract from L’Humanité of February 9, 1916. Both documents were published in 1931 in Lenin Miscellany XVII.
    Berner Tagwacht (Berne Sentinel)—an organ of the Social-Democratic Party of Switzerland, published in Berne since 1893. From 1909 to 1918, it was edited by R. Grimm. At the beginning of the First World War, it carried articles by K. Liebknecht, F. Mehring and other Left-wing Social-Democrats. From 1917 on, the newspaper openly supported the social-chauvinists. At the present time, the paper takes the same stand on the main domestic and foreign policy issues as the bourgeois press. p. 358
  2. A reference to the editorial article in No. 43 of Avanti! of February 12, 1916, “Intorno all’organizzazione socialista internazionale” (Around the Socialist International). The Central Party Archives of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the CPSU Central Committee has Lenin’s extracts from this article with his remarks.
    Avanti! (Forward!)—a daily, the Central Organ of the Italian Socialist Party, founded in Rome in December 1896. During the First World War, the paper took an inconsistent internationalist stand without breaking up with the reformists. In 1926, it was closed down by Mussolini’s fascist government, but continued irregular publications abroad; resumed publication in Italy in 1943. p. 358
  3. The word Vorwärts appears to have been pencilled in later—Ed.
  4. ["*" IN ORIGINAL; TABLE SPANS VERSO/RECTO.]
    Internationale Sozialisten Deutschlands.—Ed.
  5. A possible reference to reports from Paris about the Congress of the French Socialist Party of December 25-29, 1915, published in No. 52 of The Labour Leader on December 30, 1915, and in Nos. 2 and 4 on January 13 and 27, 1916.
    The Labour Leader—a weekly published since 1891. From 1893, organ of the Independent Labour Party of Britain. From 1922, it was published under the name of New Leader; and since 1946, carries the name of Socialist Leader. p. 359
  6. The Labour Party of Britain was founded in 1900 as an association of trade unions, socialist organisations and groups to seat labour representatives in Parliament (the Labour Representation Committee). In 1906, the Committee took the name of Labour Party. Trade union members are automatically members of the Labour Party provided they pay party dues. The Labour Party is headed by an Executive Committee which together with the General Trades Union Council and the Executive of the Co-operative Party makes up the National Labour Council. Closely allied to the Labour Party are the Co-operative Party, which is a collective member, and the Independent Labour Party.
    The Labour Party, which was initially a party of workers (many members of the petty bourgeoisie joined the party later), is opportunist in ideology and tactics. During the First World War its leaders took a social-chauvinist stand.
    The Labourites have repeatedly formed governments (1924, 1929, 1945 and 1950), which conducted the policy of British imperialism. The dissatisfaction of the British working people with the reactionary policy of the Labour Party leadership has resulted in the formation of a Left-wing trend in the party aimed against the official policy of its leadership. p. 358
  7. Forward—a newspaper published in Glasgow since 1906. During the First World War it supported the policy of the Independent Labour Party of Britain. It was banned by the authorities after it carried a report on the so-called 1915 “Christmas events” in Glasgow (the centre on the Clyde area and of the shop stewards’ movement), when Lloyd George, at the time Minister of Munitions, was shouted down by workers, who then staged an impressive demonstration in the heart of the city carrying anti-war and anti-government slogans.
    They threatened to strike and the ban on the paper was lifted. p. 359
  8. Merthyr—a district in Southern Wales. Lenin apparently refers to the by-elections in the district, when the representative of the British Socialist Party mustered the votes of the Liberals and the Conservatives against the candidate of the Independent Labour Party. No. 46 of The Labour Leader of November 18, 1915, carried a report on the electoral struggle in Merthyr. p. 359
  9. An apparent reference to the newspaper The Socialist, the official organ of the Socialist Labour Party of Britain, published in Glasgow in 1904, 1909–10, 1916, 1918–23. p. 359
  10. Nashe Slovo (Our Word)—a Menshevik-Trotskyite newspaper published in Paris from January 1915 to September 1916, in place of Golos. p. 359
  11. A possible reference to the report in the form of an appeal, “Die Internationalen in Oesterreich an die Internationalen aller Länder” (The Internationalists of Austria to the Internationalists of All Countries), carried in “Beilage zur Darner Tagwacht” Nos. 283 and 284 on December 3 and 4, 1915. p. 361
  12. A reference to Eugene Debs’s articles “When I Shall Fight”, “ ‘Preparedness’ I Favour”, “The Only War I Will Fight in” and “Never Be a Soldier”, published in the newspaper Appeal to Reason on August 25, September 11, December 11 and 25, 1915 (Nos. 1032, 1045 and 1047).
    Cuttings from Appeal to Reason with Lenin’s markings are at the Central Party Archives of the institute of Marxism-Leninism of the CPSU Central Committee. p. 381
  13. Nashe Dyelo (Our Cause)—a Menshevik liquidator monthly, first published in January 1915 in place of Nasha Zarya, which was closed down in October 1914. Nashe Dyelo was the man organ of the social-chauvinists in Russia, and had contributions from Y. Mayevsky, P. P. Maslov, A. N. Potresov and N. Cherevanin, among others. There were six issues. p. 360
  14. Nash Golos (Our Voice)—a legal Menshevik newspaper published in Samara in 1915-16; it took a social-chauvinist stand. p. 360
  15. Rabocheye Utro (The Workers’ Morning)—a legal Menshevik paper published in Petrograd from October to December 1915 in succession to Utro which appeared in August 1915. The newspaper used internationalist phrases to cover up its social-chauvinism and defencism. p. 360
  16. Khvostov labour party”—named after A. N. Khvostov, Minister for the Interior and Chief of the special gendarme corps in 1915 and 1916. In the manuscript Lenin wrote the word “Stolypin” over the word “Khvostov”. p. 381
  17. Points 2 and 3 are crossed out in pencil in the MS.—Ed.
  18. Europa und die Revolution” (Europe and Revolution)—the title of an editorial item carried in No. 35 of Volksrecht en February 11, 1916, in connection with an article signed I. S. in the Lucerne chauvinist newspaper Vaterland, whose author said that the continuation of the war could cause revolution which was more dangerous “for the throne and the altar” than the war itself. An extract made by Lenin from Volksrecht with his remarks is at the Central Party Archives of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the CPSU Central Committee. p. 361
  19. Lenin is comparing the voting against the war credits by the 20 Social-Democratic deputies of the German Reichstag on December 21, 1915, and the voting on March 20, 1915, when only two (Karl Liebknecht and Otto Rühle) voted against the war credits. The voting of 20 deputies against the war credits testified to rowing pressure from the masses on the leadership of the Social-Democratic Party of Germany and its Reichstag group. However, the majority of the CC (Vorstand) and of the Reich stag group censured the December 21 vote as a breach of party discipline.
    Speaking of the inconsistency of the 20, Lenin is referring to a statement made by F. Geyer on behalf of the members of the Social-Democratic group who had voted against the war credits on December 21, which gave no characteristic of the war as imperialist, made no mention of proletarian internationalism, and assumed that German plans of conquest were of a very recent development. p. 360
  20. ["*" IN ORIGINAL; TABLE SPANS VERSO/RECTO.]
    The Liebknecht Case.—Ed.
  21. Lichtstrahlen (Rays of Light)—a monthly, organ of the group of Left-wing Social-Democrats of Germany (Internationale Sons listen Deutschlands), published under the editorship of J. Borchardt. It was published in Berlin with interruptions from 1913 to 1921. Among those who took part in the magazine were A. Pannekoek and A. Balabanova. p. 362
  22. No. 11 of Vorwärts of January 12, 1910, carried a statement by Otto Rühle, “Zur Parteispaltung” (On the Party Split), In which he said a split in the Social-Democratic Party of Germany was inevitable, The editors of Vorwärts said in the editorial that although the article was being published verbatim, they believed that the controversial questions raised in it were not only premature, but altogether irrelevant. p. 362
  23. A reference to the May Day demonstration and a strike by the young workers of Brunswick in early May 1916. The strike was staged in protest against the government’s deduction of part of the young workers’ wages for a war loan. More than 1,500 men took part in the strike and the demonstration. Following a stubborn struggle, the government was forced to rescind its order on deductions on May 5, 1916. p. 363
  24. A reference to E. Vaillant’s editorial article “Formalistes doctrinaires” (Doctrinaire Formalists) in L’Humanité No. 3827 on October 9, 1914, in which Vaillant, who went over to social-chauvinist positions at the very beginning of the war, was forced to admit that he was receiving letters from French socialists protesting against the policy of the French Socialist Party leadership. Lenin’s extracts from Vaillant’s article are in Lenin Miscellany XIV, p. 97. p. 362
  25. A reference to the appeal “To the Women of the Proletariat”, signed by Louise Saumoneau on behalf of the French Socialist Women’s Action Committee calling for the struggle for peace and against chauvinism. A copy of the appeal with Lenin’s markings is at the Central Party Archives of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the CPSU Central Committee. p. 363
  26. The party, the government and the Jouhaux are nothing but three heads under one cap.”—Ed.
  27. ["*" IN ORIGINAL; TABLE SPANS VERSO/RECTO.]
    The text from the word “regeneration” to the words “(Brizon & Co. at Kienthal)” is in pencil and appears to have been written later.—Ed.
  28. The New Statesman—a weekly of the Fabian Society, founded in London in 1913. Since 1931, it has been published under the name of The New Statesman and Nation. At present, it expresses the views of the Labour Party’s Left wing. p. 362
  29. A possible reference to the approval of the Zimmerwald Manifesto by the Executive Committee of the British Socialist Party. At the end of 1915, it decided to poll local organisations about adhering to Zimmerwald; an overwhelming majority of local party organisations came out in favour of adherence. A report on the poll was published in the I.S.O. Bulletin No. 3 of February 29, 1916. p. 362
  30. A reference to the walk-out of H. Hyndman and his supporters from the annual conference of the British Socialist Party held at Salford on April 23 and 24, 1916. The conference marked the break-away of the British Socialist Party from the social-chauvinists. The conference adopted a number of anti-war resolutions of a general democratic character and a resolution urging the use of the party’s full influence to put an end to the war. By an overwhelming majority, the conference adopted a resolution saying that the socialists recognise only a class war. In early June 1916, Hyndman set up the National Socialist Party which in 1918 took the name of the Social-Democratic Federation. p. 363
  31. ["**" IN ORIGINAL; TABLE SPANS VERSO/RECTO.]
    The text was apparently pencilled in later.—Ed.
  32. A reference to the speech of C. Trèves in the Italian Chamber of Deputies on December 2, 1915. A report on the speech was published in Avanti! No. 335 on December 3, 1915. p. 362
  33. Tesnyaki—a revolutionary trend in the Bulgarian Social-Democratic Party, which took shape in 1903 as an independent Bulgarian Social-Democratic Labour Party. The founder and leader of the Tesnyaki was D. Blagoev. He was succeeded by his followers G. Dimitrov, V. Kolarov and others. From 1914 to 1918, the Tesnyaki opposed the imperialist war. In 1919, they joined the Communist International and set up the Communist Party of Bulgaria. p. 362
  34. Tribune, De Tribune—a newspaper founded in 1907 by the Left wing of the Dutch Social-Democratic Labour Party. In 1909, following the expulsion of the Left-wingers from the party and their establishment of the Social-Democratic Party of Holland, it became the organ of the latter. From 1918, it was the organ of the Dutch Communist Party, published under the name until 1937. p. 362
  35. Point 7 is crossed out in pencil in the MS.—Ed.
  36. A possible reference to the items by E. Pernerstorfer, “Russland und wir” (Russia and We) and “Nochmals Russland und wir” (Once again Russia and We), published in Nos. 13 and 20 of Die Neue Zeit on December 24, 1915, and February 11, 1916. p. 364
  37. Apparently pencilled in later.—Ed.
  38. The text from the word “Jingo” to the word “diplomat” is crossed out in pencil.—Ed.
  39. A reference to the article “Die Stellung der Sozialdemokraten Australiens zum Krieg” (The Attitude of Australian Social-Democrats to the War) published under the initials J.K. in “Beilage zur Berner Tagwacht” Nos. 32 and 34 of February 8 and 10, 1916. p. 364
  40. I.K.”, “Internationale Korrespondenz” (International Correspondence)—a weekly of the German social-chauvinists dealing with international affairs and the labour movement. It was published in Berlin from the end of September 1914 to October 1, 1918. An apparent reference to the article “Hughes und die australischen Gewerksschaften” (Hughes and the Australian Trade Unions) published in Internationale Korrespondenz No. 15 on May 23, 1916. A copy of this magazine with Lenin’s markings on the article is at the Central Party Archives of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the CPSU Central Committee. p. 364
  41. The text from the ward “article” to "(T.K.)” was apparently pencilled in later.—Ed.
  42. ["*" IN ORIGINAL; TABLE SPANS VERSO/RECTO.]
    The text from the word “diplomacy” to the word “Huysmans” is crossed out in pencil.—Ed.
  43. Appeal to Reason—the newspaper of the American socialists, founded at Girard, Kansas, in 1895. It was not officially connected with the Socialist Party of America, but conducted propaganda of socialist ideas and was very popular among the workers. The paper had contributions from the American Socialist Eugene Debs. p. 364
  44. Better to say.—Ed.
  45. The text from the word “boys” to the word “revolution” is crossed out in pencil.—Ed.
  46. What is Kienthal? The text from the words “Iskra No. 2” to the end appears to have been pencilled in later.—Ed.