Letter to the Bolshevik-Leninists in the USSR, August 17, 1934

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Dear Comrades,

For a long time the Stalinists prepared Rakovsky's capitulation as a decisive blow. And now, only several months later, it is proved that the blow has miscarried: among the thousands in the USSR who are imprisoned, exiled, expelled from the party and deprived of bread, two or three tired veterans followed Rakovsky; in the rest of the world — not a single man. And that despite the extraordinarily difficult situation of the Bolshevik-Leninists against whom the Stalinists unite with world reaction in order to pursue and hound them.

The principal argument of the capitulation is, at the same time, the principal proof of the political inconsistency of the capitulators. The victorious offensive of fascism requires, according to Rakovsky, the unity of "all forces" for the defense of the Soviet power. But the question is: how to resist the victorious offensive of the reaction and how to safeguard the Soviet power? Stalin declared that Social Democracy and fascism were Siamese twins. On this basis the united front was irrevocably condemned. Two days before the victory of Hitler, the Comintern stated that the proletarian revolution in Germany was traveling full steam ahead to victory. It presented the uncontested establishment of the fascist dictatorship in the most industrialized nation of Europe as "the acceleration of the proletarian revolution." The policy of the German Communist Party before, during and after the fascist coup d'état was declared beyond reproach. By means of such deception and such crimes, a situation chock full of revolutionary possibilities was lost in Germany. During the years 1929-33, the Comintern prepared and struck such a blow to Soviet power and to the world revolution that in comparison the economic successes of the USSR are relegated to second and third place. Rakovsky did not even attempt to answer the question: was the policy of Stalin-Thälmann in the great class battles correct or fatal? Whoever substitutes fawning before the bureaucracy, its errors and crimes, for the defense of the historic interests of the revolution can hope for nothing from the Bolshevik-Leninists but well-deserved scorn.

When the waters of fascism rose up to the Comintern's neck in France, frightened, it accomplished in several days, if not in several hours, a turn unprecedented in political history; it cast off the theory of social fascism like a dirty rag, recognized — and in what a vulgar Menshevik form! — the defense of democracy and proclaimed the united front with the Social Democracy not only a superior but also a unique precept, by which they tacitly sacrifice the revolutionary tasks and the criticism of reformism. With an appalling cynical attitude toward ideas, these gentlemen no longer accuse us of advocating the "counterrevolutionary united front with the leaders" but of lacking a "loyal” regard for the leadership by attempting to utilize the united front in order to strengthen the revolutionary wing at the expense of the Social Democracy. What can this "plunge into the void" signify?

Moscow understands, it seems, that the increase of tractors alone not only does not solve the problems of socialism but does not even assure the existence of the Soviet state. Even if one were to believe for a moment that a complete socialist society will be built in the USSR in the next four or five years, it is still impossible to close one's eyes to the fact that fascism obtains its cannibal victories in increasingly shorter intervals. It is unnecessary to explain the consequences that the fascistization of all Europe would have on "socialism in one country" during the next twelve or twenty-four months. Hence the panic among the leaders of the bureaucracy. Hence the telegraphic order: perform a 180-degree turn and camouflage it with a new barrage of slander-gas against the "Trotskyists"!

By means of such procedure, the bureaucracy now has an unlimited domination of the Comintern, but at the same time the Comintern is losing the esteem and confidence of the working masses. The turn in France was accomplished without a semblance of discussion or criticism. The members of the French party simply awoke to find out that today it was necessary to call the truth that which had yesterday been called a lie. Such a regime, declare the Rakovskys and the Sosnovskys, is to the "credit" of Stalin! We think that such a regime is the misfortune of the revolution. In any case, the capitulators should, at least, make clear to what extent they have capitulated: to yesterday's policy of Stalin-Thälmann, which brought such happy results? Or to the directly opposite policy of Stalin-Cachin in France today? But the capitulators do not dare make a choice. They have capitulated not to a policy but to a bureaucracy!

In the last ten years, the policy of the Comintern has permitted the Second International to retrieve its dominant position in the working class. Of course, the crisis, misery, reactionary gangsterism and the approach of a new war violently push different groups of workers towards the sections of the Comintern. But these superficial and ephemeral "successes" caused by the situation do not at all correspond to the political situation and to its gigantic tasks. The German Communist Party had incomparably greater "successes" up to the end of its legal existence, but that did not save it from an ignominious collapse.

Within the parties of the Second International, whose leadership is a reflection of its miserable and infamous orientation, there is at this moment a process of radicalization of the masses. The regime of the Comintern, the "somersaults" of the Stalinist bureaucracy and the cynicism of its means and methods constitute now the principal obstacle on the road to the revolutionary education and solidification of the proletarian vanguard. However, without the mobilization of the workers — not only for parades and meetings but also for decisive struggle — without correct leadership, fusing revolutionary intransigence with Leninist realism, the victory of fascism will come in France with the same inevitability as in Germany. What will remain then of the theory of "socialism in one country"? No more than remains today of the theory of "social fascism."

The Bolshevik-Leninists will not capitulate but, on the contrary, will redouble their efforts. The Socialist workers ought now to become the principal arena of their activity. It is necessary to explain the issues to them, more precisely, to find side by side with them a road to the revolution. It is only thus that the Communist workers can be torn from the vise of the bureaucracy; it is only thus that unity of action in the struggle against fascism can be assured as well as the creation of a truly revolutionary party of the masses, a section of the Fourth International that will lead the proletariat to the conquest of power.

Dear Friends! Your comrades-in-arms in all the countries of the world know the difficult inhuman conditions you endure under the Stalinist bureaucracy. They have only respect for the firmness that the majority of you have shown in the face of new repressions, new calumnies, new betrayals. No, you have not capitulated in spite of everything. On the contrary, you have before you a grand revolutionary mission to perform. You have a duty to place, insofar as possible, before the advanced workers of the USSR the problems of the international revolution now monopolized by the Manuilskys, the Kuusinens, the Pyatnitskys, the Lozovskys and the other third- and fifth-rate irresponsible functionaries.

Bolshevik-Leninists! The development of Europe and the entire world is now entering a critical stage, in which the fate of Europe and the international revolution will be decided for a whole historical epoch. We will now bring to the masses the revolutionary lessons that we assimilated in a dozen years of struggle against the centrist bureaucracy (Stalinism). Step by step, we will point the way to them.

For the defense of the USSR!

For the world proletarian revolution!

For the Fourth International!

Foreign Representatives of the Russian Bolshevik-Leninists