Letter to Jan Frankel, May 26, 1933

Add a subpage to this text

Read the help page for usage.

 

Suggestions for the Congress

Dear Jan:

And so the antifascist congress is being transferred to Paris. That is a big windfall. We here are hoping that you have mobilized all forces and that not one mandate will be lost.

I now consider the mobilization of every kind of sympathizing and semi-sympathizing organization most important. Apart from the delegates to the congress, delegations could be organized on special questions. I only fear that it is already too late. … Thus, for example, Sneevliet’s organization could send a special delegation regarding Rakovsky, Victor Serge, and others, on the one hand, and Chen Tu-hsiu, on the other. I fear that the International Secretariat will fail to adequately realize how important it is for us at such a congress not to speak out alone and appear isolated, but to have a certain backing to cover us, at least, on some specific questions. On the question of Victor Serge, at least a small group of French writers should be mobilized. Maybe Monatte, Chambelland, and Company would agree to speak up in one form or another on the question of Rakovsky and Victor Serge. Even without taking part in the work of the congress, they could send a delegation to the congress or, as a last resort, a letter, which could then be published in the press. I think that on the question of Rakovsky and Victor Serge it would be possible to also approach Rosmer and his friends with a proposal to display initiative. There is no need to do this officially. Schwartz [Sedov] or someone else could raise the question in private. Nothing must slip from view in such a critical situation; every additional voice, every contact, every document relating to Rakovsky will strengthen our position at the congress and beyond the congress and could help ease Rakovsky’s fate.

Let me call your attention to the following matter: some kind of hired scoundrels wrote in Rundschau that T. informed on Dimitrov as being a participant in the bombing of the Sofia cathedral (something in that vein). It’s disgusting even to speak of it. I first wanted to write a polemical note, but aversion to this scum prevented me from writing it. Still, I think that the congress should be utilized in one form or another to brand this system of foul slanders which real informers can make use of.

I have written several times that terrorism and adventurism have come in the wake of the Stalinist bureaucracy’s opportunism. The thought in itself is not new. It has long been said that anarchism is retribution for the sins of opportunism. The opportunist, passive politics in 1923 in Germany and Bulgaria alone led to revolutionary adventures in Bulgaria and Estonia in 1924. For political appraisal it makes absolutely no difference who directed the adventurist actions. Only desperate scoundrels could make this into a slanderous charge of informing and connect it with the arrest of Dimitrov in Berlin.

Wishing to hurt me, these people in fact harm Dimitrov. Both the German and Bulgarian prosecutors of course will seize the Stalinists’ slander with both hands: look, they will say, T. admits in print that Dimitrov was involved with the bombing of the Sofia cathedral. True, nowhere and never did I or could I say such a thing, because Dimitrov had no relation whatsoever to this matter. But for the prosecutors there is no need to fish out such evidence from my articles; for them, what the Stalinists say about it is sufficient. It is quite likely that the foul slander of the Stalinists is precisely calculated to have such an effect: to whisper to the prosecutor and the White Guard press a reference to T. in the matter of the Sofia cathedral explosion. To be sure, not one White Guard, if he wants to make use of all this garbage, will say, “T., according to the Stalinists, admitted this-and-that and this-and-that.” He will simply say, “T. admitted this-and-that,” for this will appear much more convincing and useful.

If the Stalinists conduct themselves at all decently at the congress, then of course we have no need to raise so sharp a question at the congress. But it is entirely possible that this whole thing has been specially prepared for the congress. It is necessary to arm ourselves beforehand. Perhaps prepare a small leaflet, etc.

It turns out that until now my letter on the SAP has not been translated into the German. Maybe it was translated in Paris? In that case, send it quickly to Otto and to Switzerland (for them the question is very important, in connection with Schaffhausen).

Sh[achtman] has been here for four days. Jean [van Heijenoort] has taken ill and Prof. Gass[in] suggested that he spend several days in the hospital to be diagnosed. Since yesterday afternoon Jean has been in the French hospital [in Istanbul],

Best regards.

Yours,

L.T.