Letter to Jan Frankel, April 3, 1933

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We Must Have a Discussion on Germany

Dear Friend:

Just received your letter about the Hamburg candidate, and a letter from Stoi. I will write to you tomorrow or the day after about the Hamburger. Right now I want to write about several political questions.

1. From Stoi’s letter it follows that the Secretariat does not want to open discussion on the question of “the old or a new party in Germany.” I consider this completely incorrect. Our official position on this question was formulated by the preconference: a faction, but not a party. The German conference expressed this same spirit. We (i.e., the Secretariat and myself) propose to change the official position of the International Left. If the present situation makes it inconvenient to open discussion, then publication of my article should be forbidden, for my article itself would open a discussion. Just how can one forbid the expression of things which defend the official position after having already given the floor to those who subject the official position to criticism? Here is a clear inconsistency. The German comrades, who have taken a most vital interest in this question, will be indignant, with complete justification, regarding such bureaucratism. The Secretariat itself, in questions of formal rights, must display the utmost caution and loyalty. Here, meanwhile, formal right is wholly on the side of opponents of our point of view.

What political motives prevent the opening of discussion? I do not see them. On the other hand, every situation demands discussion in our ranks. Our old position is known to everyone. Where did the new position come from? By order of the mufti? Only the ECCI [Executive Committee of the Communist International] acts like that. If we are open, in everyone’s eyes, and debate the question in a comradely tone, our authority as an organization can only grow, our own cadre will be consolidated, and our internal regime will be given great stability. If we find ourselves in a direct struggle [with the bourgeoisie] it might still be possible to raise an objection against discussion. But it is clear that we are entering into a period of slow preparatory tasks. It is best to begin such a period with serious discussion, examining the results of the previous period.

What is said above does not at all mean, to be sure, that I intend to compromise on the essence of the question. No, not in the least. Stoi’s letter, in complete and full detail, confirms the necessity of a fundamental turn in our relations with the official party. If we do not make a decisive turn at this time we will destroy ourselves. But this turn should be made strictly democratically. That is my position.

I insist that the Secretariat itself call upon the comrades to open a discussion, as was done in Germany, except on an international scale. This will immediately improve the situation, and otherwise protests against the Secretariat are absolutely unavoidable. In such a case, I would have to give a public explanation, i.e., openly disagree with the Secretariat. A catastrophe would not follow from this, of course, but it is best to avoid it if possible.

2. The other day I wrote a rather strongly worded letter to the Secretariat regarding extreme carelessness in typing. I hope that Blasco and Witte take the letter as written, i.e., as a protest against the fact that their own inaccuracy still further increases our isolation at Prinkipo, and I hope that the letter will not worsen our friendly relations.

3. The question of Unser Wort should be decided as soon as possible. A letter from Held arrived yesterday. He complains that there is not one bit of news from Berlin, and that he had to put together an entire issue from my articles. This will not do, of course. First of all, one should provide the publication with good political correspondents, broad information, and on-the-spot exposes. Now, when in Germany itself freedom of the press has been stifled once and for all, an emigre newspaper can achieve great success, if only by giving many exposes (about persecutions and all kinds of outrages).

4. It is extremely important to maintain contact with the SAP. Perhaps now it is already possible to put together a theoretical journal with them. This would be extremely important for future relations. Strike the iron while it is hot. Right now all relations are still in an informal state. In a month or two a lot will crystallize and the emigre groupings will gather momentum. That is why it is now especially important to reach an understanding with the SAP.

5. Again the antifascist congress comes to mind. I am afraid that the Secretariat has let a lot of time slip by. If the congress will really take place in Copenhagen, then it would be necessary to dispatch Comrade Swabeck there in good time. There he could work up the necessary contacts and, perhaps, could convey several mandates to the local Danes: that would be economical.

Best regards.

Yours,

L.T.