Letter to Jan Frankel, April 12, 1933

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Tasks of the Coming Plenum

Dear Friend:

At last a letter has come from you (dated April 6). We were told you were ill. Malaria? What is the state of your health now? You say nothing of yourself personally.

The day before yesterday Otto left for Prague with the last documents for the Prague congress [against fascism]. Yesterday I received a letter from Skandera with news that the congress had been postponed and would be moved to a different location. Today a telegram came from Ray [Molinier], Paris is invariably three days late at the minimum. Some eight or ten days ago a letter came from Witte, who reported that he proposed to raise the question of the congress for discussion at the next plenum. We were all the more astounded at this dilatory attitude because all of us here were busy night and day with the drafting, translating, mailing, etc., of the documents for the congress.

Concerning the work for the coming plenum, I cannot add anything to what I have written recently: (a) a statement of general character for the congress; (b) a statement on the trade union question; (c) a statement on the youth movement; (d) several minor resolutions; (e) a letter on the “new party”; (f) an article on the same subject; and (g) an article on Austria, not to mention earlier articles (“The Tragedy of the German Proletariat,” “Alarm Signal!” etc.). I should also add the article “We Need an Honest Inner-Party Agreement,” which strongly emphasizes the difference between our attitude toward the CPSU and that toward the German CP. For Germany we say, The Communist Party is dead. But for the USSR, we propose an agreement with the top circle of the party. That is the situation at the present moment!

I think that all this material is quite sufficient as material for the current tasks of the plenum. The necessary theses and resolutions should be worked out in Paris on the basis of this material. On some questions you can simply take the resolutions or formulations as they are, ready to hand. At any rate, I personally cannot provide anything more, because I must at last spend some time on my personal affairs, which have gotten into quite a severe condition (not only the economic depression but also the fascist reaction makes itself felt throughout the world: I have not succeeded in placing “On Lenin’s Testament” anywhere).

The plan to get Erwin [Bauer] out of the country is undoubtedly correct. In the organizational sphere Erwin is incomparably less valuable than in the literary work. I wholeheartedly support your initiative. At first I had in mind asking Erwin to come out just for a month to pull himself together and cover up his tracks. But I think the plan to have him move for a longer time is more correct, i.e., I endorse your plan.

I think it is absolutely wrong to send money to Germany from outside. Such small amounts can accomplish nothing; they should try to raise funds there themselves. Money raised abroad should be used entirely for a newspaper, to insure that it comes out in eight pages or, at least, regularly with six pages. This is now the central question. A newspaper will now become not only the political leader but also the organizer of the Left Opposition in Germany. The role of an emigre paper is absolutely unique: it would be a timely thing now to read over Lenin’s What Is to Be Done? — where he talks precisely about an emigre paper under conditions of illegal work inside a country.

The Secretariat should look over all the documents we have prepared for the Prague congress in order to officially approve them with corrections of one kind or another. Then the documents can be published — no longer just as drafts — in our international press, including in the Russian Biulleten.

On the Spanish question, the most important thing is not to force a split. The Nin clique will hardly take the initiative of a split upon itself — that would be too disadvantageous for them. Its hope will be to maintain its “independence” (petty-bourgeois incompetence) through sabotage. We have no reason to hurry. Every passing month will help to break down the Nin clique and strengthen the influence of the Secretariat in Spain.

I call your attention to two Spanish comrades in Madrid, Arlen and M. Vela. I received two heated letters from them opposing the slogan for a new party in Germany. Their position is wrong on that question, but it is evident from their letters that they are serious comrades, sincerely interested in international questions and indignant at Nin’s two-faced behavior and Lacroix’s wild antics. I am writing these comrades again today, to restrain them from making a leap in the direction of the Stalinists. If I can succeed in teaching them something, linking their internal position in Spain (against Nin) to our position on Germany and the USSR, these two comrades would be very valuable, because they are more seriously committed to the Opposition than Lacroix, who can and must be used but through whom nothing can be built. Sending emissaries to Spain is not a good idea, because of insufficient funds, but it is necessary to establish closer ties with the two above-mentioned comrades, encouraging them to oppose Nin more actively and to make a bloc with Lacroix. Such a position is dictated by the entire situation. The plenum should in no case pass a definitive resolution signifying a split. It will be quite sufficient if the plenum passes a resolution of the following kind: All efforts to come to an agreement with the Nin group, now in the leadership, have come to nothing, because of the difference of views; there remains no other way than to appeal to all members of the Spanish section to study all the documents, etc., etc., and to make sure that the Spanish section is led on the basis of the principles of the International Left Opposition. A wait-and-see position organizationally combined with an offensive politically — that seems to me the correct formula in relation to Spain.

On the American question. You write about a plan to summon a representative of the minority from America. That is hardly practical because of the shortness of time and the lack of resources. Swabeck cannot wait for money for his return trip; we are also in a pinch here, as you know. Calling a new comrade from America would be a completely unbearable burden for the Opposition, and the political value of doing so would be minimal. On the substance of the American question I said everything I have to say in my previous letters. The crucial question is the new central committee. I think that a new committee, not of nine but of fifteen members, is needed, including five “non-faction” members, committed to maintaining unity (the name of the Greek comrade Pappas is mentioned as a “non-factionalist,” etc.).

That the idea of an antifascist congress has not been greeted with rapture in the Stalinist ranks is quite understandable. They are in retreat and do not know what to do or what to say. But for just that reason we should make use of the congress as widely as possible, pressing German emigres who are close to our views to attend the congress, as many as possible. We should turn the congress into a platform for our ideas. All the documents have been worked up; our delegation will be well-armed. Our position is unassailable; our delegates have only to proclaim that position in a resolute way from this international platform. All the documents, after being approved by the Secretariat, should be printed in three or four languages. If we don’t succeed in having these documents read aloud, especially the draft resolutions, they can still be distributed in printed form.

Maslow and Ruth Fischer should be in Paris soon (if they haven’t arrived already). Recently they were in Prague, and getting ready to go to Paris. Maslow declared himself in full solidarity with us, but it seems he is preparing to do nothing, as before. It would be a very good thing to sound him out, and other emigres as well. This work should be undertaken very seriously.

Please write in more detail about yourself personally.

Warmest greetings.

Yours,

L. Trotsky

N.I. [Sedova] sends you her warmest greetings.

P.S. In Czechoslovakia Skandera displays great energy and accuracy in his work. Neurath is also, apparently, doing everything he can under the circumstances. Little is heard of Friedmann.