Letter to Ivan Radchenko, July 16, 1902

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Written before July 3 (16), 1902

Source: Lenin Collected Works, Progress Publishers, 1964, Moscow, Volume 6, pages 176-185.

Dear Friend,

First of all, my heartiest congratulations to you (and your friends) on a tremendous success: the beginning of the reorganisation of the Local Committee. This may be come a turning-point for our whole movement, and it is therefore of the utmost importance and urgency to carry through this reorganisation to the end. Take particular care of yourself, so that you should manage to complete it.

Let me get down to business now. You ask me to help you with a concrete outline of a plan for local work in connection with all-Russian activities." In order to meet your request immediately, I am for the time being writing to express my personal opinion (so as not to delay matters by having to contact the other members of the Editorial Board, who are at present scattered in different places; they will possibly also send you a few words themselves later). I am not quite sure whether I understand your request correctly. My sources now are: your letter of June 21 and the letter of 2a 3b about the two meetings (you, 2a 3b, and Krasikov) with Vanya (the St. Petersburg League). Judging from these sources (especially the latter), Vanya “now shares our views and frankly acknowledges the demerits of his former stand.” Proceeding from this, I shall continue to write, addressing myself both to you and to Vanya, and I leave it entirely to you to decide whether to transmit my letter to Vanya (and Manya=the Workers’ Organisation) immediately or later, whether to give it in full or with certain amendments, which in case of necessity I likewise authorise you to make (informing us of all such amendments as far as possible, of course).

Strictly speaking, I am of course unable to give you just now a “concrete outline of a plan for local work in connection with all-Russian activities”: it is impossible for me to do this without a number of detailed conferences both with Vanya and with Manya. All that I can offer is an outline of the practical steps that Vanya should take immediately and before all else, once he has become a new Vanya or wants to become so de facto. It seems to me that the steps planned by all of you at the second meeting with Vanya (and described in the letter of 2a 3b) are wholly correct. I fully agree that “the first thing to do is openly to declare oneself an adherent of certain views.” This is the very thing that must come first, and it can be done only by an open declaration. I am fully aware of the fact that most or many of Vanya’s comrades (i.e., the committees and their members) are strongly prejudiced against such open declarations or at least are unaccustomed to them. This trait is quite comprehensible from the angle of the stage of the movement that has already been passed and of the mistakes that have already been rejected. But just because Vanya holds such an important position, just because in the past he openly declared his old views, which were decidedly at variance with the Iskra views, just because of all this I would particularly earnestly advise the comrades (=Vanya) to overcome this feeling of estrangement and this prejudice. Hitherto our local work has suffered mostly from narrowness and isolation, from the reluctance of the local leaders to tackle actively and resolutely the job of working out general Party questions. Then let Vanya, as he comes over to the adherents of revolutionary Social-Democracy, break with this tradition at once and declare for all to hear that these are his fundamental theoretical views and organisational ideas and that he himself is now going to fight for the realisation of these ideas, urging all other committees to follow suit. This declaration will be of enormous importance both to Vanya and to the whole of Russia; it will be a big event in itself. We need not be afraid of offending Vanya’s old friends, who held different views; every shadow of offence will be removed by the very fact that Vanya himself will openly and frankly admit that circumstances and experience have convinced him of the erroneousness of the former theoretical views, tactical principles, and organisational plans, in one way or another bound up with “economism.” There will not be even the sem blance of an attack on these old views here, but merely an avowal of his own evolution. The frank straightfor wardness of this avowal will exert an influence on the actual unification of all Russian Social-Democrats and on the full cessation of the “polemics” between them, which will be ten times as great as a hundred protests against the “polemics.”

And so, first and foremost, an open and printed decla ration (in a local bulletin or in Iskra, preferably in both). This step should absolutely not be delayed even for a single week, for without it all other steps may easily prove futile (arrests, etc.), while with it the new road would be estab lished at once.

What should this declaration contain? If Vanya were to ask my comradely advice on this point (but not before he asked me, of course) I would reply: 1) an express repudiation of his old views (theoretical, tactical, and organisational) with a most general description of these views (in one or two words, if possible). 2) A declaration that he is joining the Iskra supporters, subscribes to its theoretical, tactical, and organisational views, and recognises it as the leading organ (N.B., the word “leading” does not at all mean that one necessarily has to agree with it in everything. It merely implies solidarity with the guiding principles of a certain organ. This declaration is fully compatible both with a reference to particular differences, should any exist, and with an intimation that I want the following changes and that I, now an Iskra supporter, will strive to effect them, and try to get these changes made in Iskra). 3) Special emphasis on the demand for the unification or, more accurately, the actual restoration of a united all- Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party, by means of joint work, which should begin with a rallying about Iskra so as to convert it into an instrument of genuinely nation-wide agitation and which (the work) should lead to the creation of a militant all-Russian organisation, capable of launching a determined onslaught on the autocracy. 4) An acknowledgement (already made, but not yet published by Vanya) of the need to reorganise the structure and functioning of Vanya and Manya (their relationships, etc.), an announcement (so to speak) of a revision of their structure. 5) An acknowledgement of the need for closer links and fusion with the Russian Iskra organisation so as to accomplish the tasks Vanya and this organisation will henceforth share. 6) The assignment of one or several members (perhaps from Vanya and from Manya, etc.) of the St. Petersburg Committee for the matter of immediately beginning the practical realisation of the above-mentioned task, i.e., fusion with Iskra and unification of the Party.

Of these six points, the sixth, of course, can by no means be made public, which may likewise be the case with some of the other points as well. The declaration could conclude with an ellipsis, and make the frank reservation that such and such (or “subsequent”) points cannot be made public for reasons of secrecy. But I repeat: if Vanya has really come over to our side he should not postpone this declaration for even a single week.

It is at such a meeting of delegates from the St. Peters burg Committee with Sonya (the Russian Iskra organisation) and with the Iskra Editorial Board (abroad) that a really concrete plan will be prepared, not only for the reorganisation of work in St. Petersburg, but also for the actual unification of the Party, the constitution of an Organising Committee to prepare the Second Party Congress, etc., etc., etc.

Further, at your second meeting it was proposed that “before proceeding to carry out the above-mentioned plan [to send delegates abroad in July] a preliminary examination be made of the state of affairs in various areas of our vast fatherland so as to have a basis for discussion at the congress.” I consider this decision (I say so quite frankly) a mistake, and I would advise you to abandon it. It means delaying matters and dispersing your forces. Let us first achieve a single objective: let us (we and Vanya) reach an understanding among ourselves. This will already be equivalent to complete solidarity between Vanya and Sonya. And given this solidarity, the next practical task (a tour of Russia) will be accomplished by Vanya=+Sonya (+or=?) quite easily. But there is no sense in dispersing our efforts now: first (1) let us finally convince Vanya and Manya, then (2) publicly announce our standpoint, further (3) come to an immediate understanding with Iskra (abroad, where Iskra already has a whole file of material on the state of affairs in the various localities of our vast father land; don’t disdain this file, comrades!) and (4) with Sonya, and only then (5) tour Russia with the express practical aim of the actual unification of the work (and the convocation of a general Party congress).

There, if you please, is a “concrete outline of a plan” of immediate practical tasks. If § 2 presents difficulties, § 3 can be moved to first place (this, of course, will entail some delay, but under certain circumstances an unavoidable delay). But both 2 and 3 must be insisted on at all costs. Moreover, it is of the utmost importance that the members of Vanya who are coming here should be invested with the fullest possible powers and that if possible there be two of them rather than one (although this really depends entirely on the local conditions, and of those you are in a better position to judge).

I believe I can conclude with this. Please let me know your opinion as soon as possible: have I understood your request correctly? is my “concrete plan” feasible? etc. I am afraid that things are not yet so good and that Vanya is not yet a full adherent. What is particularly suspicious is that Manya has not yet been given What Is to Be Done?[See present edition, Vol. 5.—Ed.] It would be a good thing if you could meet with Vanya again in pleno (i.e., at a full session of the St. Petersburg Committee): this would be of the utmost importance in accurately establishing whether there are any opponents, just who they are, and what main points they advance. It would be of equal importance that you meet with Manya directly. You must hasten Vanya’s trip here (and it would be good for Manya to come too!) a s m u c h a s p o s s i b l e a n d a t a l l c o s t s (have them come straight to London; give them the London address without fail and also Meshcheryakov’s Belgian address for all eventualities). If you succeed in doing this, it will already be a great achievement guaranteeing that your work will bear fruit even if you are all arrested now. And don’t forget a contingency like that is quite possible, and that it is therefore imperative to accomplish the first real step (declaration, trip) as quickly as possible and without the slightest delay.

If in fact Vanya unreservedly becomes one of us, then we shall hold the Second Party Congress within a few months and make Iskra a fortnightly or even a weekly organ of the Party. Try to convince Vanya that we haven’t the slightest intention of distracting him from local work, that St. Petersburg is a “locality” which is of direct importance to the whole of Russia as well, that the merger of Vanya with Sonya will greatly intensify local work, and will at the same time immediately lift the whole Party out of its semi-spectral state and raise it to the stage not only of reality, but also of a power of prime importance.

Warmly shaking your hand,

Yours,

Lenin

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Source: Lenin Collected Works, Progress Publishers, 1971, Moscow, Volume 36, pages 119-121.

A Letter to Arkady

Dear Friend,

I have read your long letter of June 6 over again, and want to add something to my previous letter. I was very glad indeed to have your report of a talk with the workers. Such letters are a great rarity for us, and they really invigorate us. Be sure to pass this on to your workers, with our request that they themselves should write to us not only for publication, but simply to exchange ideas and not to lose contact and mutual understanding. I personally am particularly interested, in this connection, in what the workers will think of What Is To Be Done?, because I have not yet had any views from workers.

And so give us a direct contact with your group of workers, and also with Manya: this is very important, and will very much consolidate both their closer approach to Iskra and your own position among them. And then, if there are really capable people among Manya’s leaders, it would be a good thing for one of them to come and see us: suggest this to them and find out what they think of it.

Then there are three more points.

(1) If Vanya is with us, how are you to determine your relations with him? What is your opinion? Perhaps, if Vanya and Manya are entirely on our side (and if they issue the statement I wrote of—this is extremely important), they could include you in their Central Committee and in addition formally confirm you in your function for the special work of unification on an all-Russia scale (i.e., “The Central Committee authorises N. N., who is one of its members and a member of the Iskra organisation in Russia, an organisation with which the CC is in complete solidarity, to be in charge of work in preparation for Party unity, in the Iskra spirit”).

Perhaps it might be varied in this way (of course I am suggesting all this only tentatively, no more): “The CC of the St. Petersburg Committee, expressing its complete solidarity with the Iskra organisation in Russia, is happy to co-opt to the Committee, with its full consent, a group of persons belonging to that organisation and specially engaged in transporting Iskra and distributing it throughout Russia. The CC assigns such-and-such members to assist this group and allocates such-and-such funds, and one of the members of this group (Arkady) enters the CC of the St. Petersburg Committee, while remaining a member of the Iskra organisation in Russia, and takes special charge of preparations for all-Party unity in the Iskra spirit.” By the group I mean the persons you sent for fish, etc. I repeat that I am only suggesting various acceptable and possible propositions, in fulfilment of your request to suggest a “concrete draft of a plan”, and leaving it to your discretion to make use of my suggestions in one form or another. Be sure to write how things stand at present, and in what direction you are moving them. Strike the iron while it is hot, and remember that we have to come to a mutual agreement in as detailed a form as possible about the plan for finally and irrevocably winning over the “ tuning fork” (=the St. Petersburg Committee=Vanya). And you must be as wise as a serpent with your young friends!

If this is possible, it would be best of all. Then you would be a delegate from Vanya in the Organising Committee (preparing for Sasha), and one more of our people could be in it from Sonya. Write as soon as you can what you think of all this, and whether you have talked about it with Vanya and with Manya.

(2) It is you who must without fail set up an Organising Committee in Russia, and take it into your own hands: you on behalf of Vanya, Claire on behalf of Sonya+one more of our people from the South—that is the ideal. Be extremely careful and restrained with the Bund, without showing your hand, and letting it deal with Bundist affairs but not allowing it to stick its nose into Russian affairs: remember that there you have an unreliable friend (and maybe even an enemy).

(3) Explain to everyone everywhere that it is pure gossip that Iskra’s editorial board itself wants to become the Russian Party’s CC It is nonsense. The CC can exist only in the field of operations, and our hope is that it will develop out of the Organising Committee and revolutionary workers. The relationship between Iskra’s editorial board and the CC would be determined by the division of functions principle (ideological leadership and practical direction), with regular congresses serving to ensure unity, or possibly the attachment of one of the five (as an assumption) members of the CC here as a permanent delegate. The gossip is being spread by Borba, and it must be exposed. We don’t want to reply in print to these rogues: the best way to punish them is for Iskra to be silent.

Perhaps Vanya’s doubts (about which you wrote) are also due to his vague idea of all this? Make sure that both Vanya and still more Many a are quite clear about it.

All the very best, and hopes above all that you will manage to hold out.

Yours,

Lenin

[P.S. If it should come into Vanya’s head to demand a precise definition of relations between Manya and himself, between his members and the members of Manya who are in the St. Petersburg CC, I think this would be best postponed until we meet here, and that Vanya should be told straight: “One of two things—either we really see eye to eye; and then a month of work together will see us working so smoothly that there will not remain the slightest shadow of misunderstanding between us, because we shall all be Iskrists. Or else we shall find ourselves in disagreement— in which case we shall part ways in a proper manner. But we don’t want to look silly once again by drawing up agreements, etc.!” From your letter of June 6 I see that you replied to them at the outset in this sense, and of course it was an excellent thing to do.]