Mazzini's Statement against the International Working Men's Association

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This article by Engels was occasioned by the slander campaign against the International and the Paris Commune being joined by Mazzini before the 12th Congress of the Italian workers’ societies, which took place on November 1-6, 1871. Mazzini planned to prevent the spread of the International’s influence on the Italian workers’ movement and the strengthening of their class organisation in Italy.

Carlo Cafiero, a leader of the Neapolitan Section of the International, sent Mazzini’s Address “To the Italian Workers” to Engels. The Address, published in La Roma del Popolo, No. 20, July 13, 1871, distorted the history of the foundation of the International, its programme and principles. Engels made a speech concerning Mazzini’s attitude towards the International at the meeting of the General Council on July 25 (see this volume, pp. 607-08). He developed the principal theses of his speech in this article, which he enclosed in a letter to Cafiero of July 28, 1871. In his letter Engels stressed that the facts about Mazzini’s activities should be made known to the workers and the true meaning of his propaganda exposed. Cafiero sent Engels’ article to several newspapers and used it and an extract Engels sent him from the minutes of the General Council’s meeting in writing his own article against Mazzini, but he was arrested before he could finish it; the rough draft of the article was confiscated by the police.

In his Address to the Italian workers Mazzini says:

“This Association, founded in London some years ago and with which I refused to collaborate from the start.... A nucleus of individuals which takes it upon itself directly to govern a broad multitude of men of different nations, tendencies, political conditions, economic interests and methods of action will always end up by not functioning, or it will have to function tyrannically. For this reason, I withdrew and, shortly afterwards, the Italian workers’ section withdrew, etc.” [1]

Now for the facts. After the foundation meeting of the

International Working Men’s Association of 28 September 1864, when the Provisional Council elected by that Assembly met, Major

L. Wolff presented a manifesto and draft Rules written by Mazzini himself.[2]

Not only did this draft not find it difficult directly to govern a multitude, etc. and not only did it not say that this nucleus of individuals ... will always end up by not functioning, or it will have to function tyrannically, but, on the contrary, the Rules were inspired by a centralised conspiracy which gave tyrannical powers to the central body. The manifesto was in Mazzini’s usual style: bourgeois democracy offering the workers political rights so that the social privileges of the middle and upper classes could be preserved.

This manifesto and the draft Rules were naturally rejected. The Italians continued their membership until certain questions were raised anew by a number of French bourgeois in an effort to manipulate the International. When the latter failed, first Wolff and then the others withdrew.[3] And so the International did away with Mazzini. Subsequently, the provisional Central Council, replying to an article by Vesinier,[4] stated in the Journal de LiĂšge that Mazzini had never been a member of the International Association and that his proposals, manifestoes, and rules had been rejected.[5] Mazzini has also made frenzied attacks on the Paris Commune in the English press.[6] This is just what he always did when the proletariat rose up. He did the same after the insurrection of June 1848, denouncing the insurgent proletarians in such offensive terms that Louis Blanc himself wrote a pamphlet against him.[7] And Louis Blanc repeated on several occasions at that time that the June insurrection was the work of Bonapartist agents!

Mazzini calls Marx a man of corrosive ... intellect, of domineering temper, etc., perhaps because Marx knew very well how to corrode away the cabal plotted against the International by Mazzini, dominating the old conspirator’s poorly disguised lusting for authority so effectively that he has been rendered permanently harmless to the Association. This being the case, the International should be delighted to number among its members an intellect and a temper which, by corroding and domineering in this way, have kept it going for seven years, one working more than any other man to bring it to its present exalted position.

As for the split in the Association, which has, according to Mazzini, already begun in England, the fact is that two English members of the Council,[8] who had been getting on too close terms with the bourgeoisie, found the “Address on the Civil War” too extreme and withdrew. In their place four new English members and one Irishmane[9]

have joined the General Council, which has been more strengthened by this than before.

Rather than being in a state of dissolution, now for the first time the International is being publicly recognised by the whole English press as a great power in Europe, and never has a little pamphlet published in London made such a big impression as the Address of the General Council on the civil war in France, which is now about to be published in its third edition.

The Italian workers ought to take note of the fact that the great conspirator and agitator, Mazzini, has no other advice for them than: Educate yourselves, teach yourselves as best you can (as if this can be done without money!) ... strive to create more consumer co-operative societies (not only producer ones!)—And trust in the future!!!

  1. ↑ G. Mazzini, "Agli opĂ©rai italiani", La Roma del popolo, No. 20, July 13, 1871.— Ed.
  2. ↑ At a meeting of the Sub-Committee of the General Council on October 8, 1864, Luigi Wolff proposed that the Rules of the Italian Working Men’s Association, written by Mazzini and translated into English by Wolff, should be adopted as the Rules of the International. Mazzini’s Rules gave the organisation a sectarian and conspiratorial character. The Sub-Committee, or the Standing Committee, of the General Council of the International developed from a committee set up in the early period of the International Working Men’s Association in 1864 to draw up its programme and Rules. The Sub-Committee consisted of corresponding secretaries for various countries, the General Secretary of the General Council, and a treasurer. The Sub-Committee, which was not envisaged by the Rules of the International, was an executive body; under Marx’s direction, it fulfilled a wide range of duties in the day-to-day guidance of the International and drafting its documents, which were subsequently submitted to the General Council for approval.
  3. ↑ This refers to the withdrawal of the Italian Mazzinists from the General Council in April 1865 following the discussion of the conflict in the Paris section of the International between journalist Henri Lefort, on the one hand, and the Proudhonists Fribourg and Tolain, on the other; the bourgeois elements tried to use this conflict to their own ends. The discussion ended with the adoption of resolutions written by Marx (see present edition, Vol. 20, pp. 82-83).
  4. ↑ P. VĂ©sinier, "L'Association Internationale des Travailleurs", L'Echo de Verviers, No. 293, December 16, 1865; No. 294, December 18, 1865.— Ed
  5. ↑ This refers to Jung’s letter to the editor of the bourgeois-democratic newspaper L’Écho de Verniers, in reply to the libellous attacks made on the International’s leaders by the petty-bourgeois republican VĂ©sinier in the columns of the paper (H. Jung, “L’Association Internationale des Travailleurs”, L’Écho de Verviers, No. 43, February 20, 1866). Jung’s letter was edited by Marx and dated February 15, 1866 (see present edition, Vol. 20, pp. 392-400).
  6. ↑ G. Mazzini, "The Commune in Paris", The Contemporary Review, Vol. 17, June 1871.— Ed,
  7. ↑ L. Blanc, Des socialistes français à M. Mazzini, Brussels, 1852.— Ed
  8. ↑ G. Odger and B. Lucraft.— Ed
  9. ↑ A. Taylor, J. Roach, Ch. Mills, G. Lochner and J. P. McDonnell.— Ed.